Death Anniversary of Dadabhai Naoroji

Born: September 4, 1825

Died: June 30, 1917

Achievements: First Indian to become a professor of the college; instrumental in the establishment of the Indian National Congress; was President of the Indian National Congress thrice; the Congress' demand for swaraj (self-rule) was first expressed publicly by him in his presidential address in 1906

Dadabhai Naoroji is fondly called as the "Grand Old Man of India". He is viewed as the architect who laid the foundation of the Indian freedom struggle.

Dadabhai Naoroji was born in a poor Parsi family in Bombay on September 4, 1825. His father, Naoroji Palanji Dordi, died when Dadabhai Naoroji was only four years old. He was raised by her mother Maneckbai who despite being illiterate herself ensured that Dadabhai Naoroji got best English education possible. As a student Dada Bhai Naoroji was very good in Mathematics and English. He studied at Elphinstone Institution, Bombay and on completion of his education he was appointed the Head Native Assistant Master at the Elphinstone Institution. Dadabhai Naoroji became a professor of Mathematics and Natural Philosophy at Elphinstone Institution at the age of 27. He was the first Indian to become a professor of the college.

Dadabhai Nauroji entered the political fray in 1852. He strongly opposed the renewal of lease to the East India Company in 1853. He sent petitions to the English government in this regard. But the British government ignored his pleas and renewed the lease. Dadabhai Naoroji felt that the British misrule of India was because of ignorance of the Indian people. He set up the Gyan Prasarak Mandali (Society for Promotion of Knowledge) for the education of adult menfolk. He wrote several petitions to Governors and Viceroys regarding India's problems. Ultimately, he felt that the British people and the British Parliament must be made aware of India's plight. In 1855, at the age of 30 he sailed for England.

In England, Dadabhai Naoroji joined several learned societies, delivered many speeches and wrote articles on the plight of India. He founded the East Indian Association on December 1st, 1866. The association was comprised of high-ranking officers from India and people who had access to Members of the British Parliament. Dadabhai Naoroji was elected to the British Parliament in 1892 from Central Finsbury as the Liberal party candidate. He got a resolution passed in British Parliament for holding preliminary examinations for the I.C.S. in India and England simultaneously. He also got the Wiley Commission, the royal commission on India expenditure, to acknowledge the need for even distribution of administrative and military expenditure between India and England.

Dadabhai Naoroji was instrumental in the establishment of the Indian National Congress founded by A.O. Hume in 1885. Thrice he was elected to the post of the President of the Indian National Congress, in 1886, 1893 and in 1906. During his third term, he prevented a split between moderates and extremists in the party. The Congress' demand for swaraj (self-rule) was first expressed publicly by him in his presidential address in 1906. Dadabhai Naoroji believed in non-violent and constitutional methods of protest. He died at the age of 92 on June 30, 1917.

Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay birth anniversary

Through his writings, this man breathed a new passion and life into an entire civilisation, particularly his native region of Bengal, which became kindled with religious, nationalistic and artistic fervour after being infused with the powerful visions contained in his writings.

Born on 27 June 1838 in the Kantalpara district of Bengal, the first striking event we have of his life was that he mastered the alphabet as a child in a single sitting. This was an image and prophecy for the rest of his life.

Apart from the breathtaking legacy of his literary works – his life was quite “normal” and not in any way out of the ordinary. He was a man who never clamoured for place or power, but did his work in silence for the love of his work, even as nature does. And just because he had no aim but to give out the best that was in him to his people, he was able to create a language, a literature, a freedom struggle, and steer the course of history.

Bankim was 19 years of age when India’s First War of independence (known in the west as the “Sepoy Mutiny”) was waged. The following year (1858) India had lost the war. Bankim was finishing his studies at the time, and in that same year graduated from the University of Calcutta. The British authorities immediately appointed him to the post of Deputy Magistrate.

Young Bankim had suffered a shock in seeing the failure of India’s War of Independence. He could not rest until he knew why the great movement for liberation ended up being crushed in the manner in which it was, and that too with the help of many Indian’s themselves (most notably the Sikhs). In his effort to discover the causes of that failure he set his sharp intellect to the task of analysing the great problems that India was facing. Influenced and inspired by three great figures of that epoch, Raja Rammohan Roy, Iswarchandra Vidyasagar and Rani Lakshmibai of Jhansi (the Hindu queen who led her soldiers against the British during the war) – he soon recognised the existence of a number of startling facts.

Foremost among these was that the people of India were fast becoming denationalised by English manners and customs, English fashions, and English whiskies and wines – not to mention the Christian missionaries (who had made Bengal their storm centre). The British government used their educational system to further this agenda (after abolishing and outlawing the traditional Indian education systems). Chatterji’s soul winced when he perceived that the Indian who spoke good English was more honoured by his own people than the man who spoke and wrote their own tongue exquisitely. Wherever he looked, he saw educated Indians jumping frantically on the bandwagon of British culture.

From the moment he had first learned to think for himself, Bankim realised that there was a titanic struggle ahead to reverse the trend and bring physical and cultural freedom to the sacred motherland. He felt that he had his own divinely ordained effort to make in this veritable battle – which he played silently and humbly. If India was to be uplifted, her children must once again create literature and language dynamic and inspiring to enlighten and inspire the entire people of India.

Soon, the profound effect of Chatterji’s novels and essays, with their compelling beauty, subtle humour and inspiring themes could be seen, firstly in Bengal and then spilling over into greater India. Indians who were nurtured on Shakespeare, Milton and Shelley began to read the works of Kalidas, Bhavabhuti, Chandidas and Vidyapula. They turned eagerly to the Puranas, Upanishads and the Bhagavad Gita. Whereas before, elite Indians took pride in their knowledge of the Magna Carta strugle, the times of Oliver Cromwell and the tragedy of Charles the First, they began to relish the ballads of Rajasthan and Maharashtra. A new feeling was born. Millions began to hold their heads high once again and talk in terms of “our language”, “our literature”, “our history”, “our country”.

His Literary History

Bankim began his literary career with a desire to write in English, and wrote a novel called Rammohan’s Wife.” He at once realised his mistake with the realisation that the his work was much more natural and powerful in his own mother tongue.

The major novels he wrote were: Chandrashekhar, Kishna Kanta’s Will, Debi Chaudhurani, Sitaram, Indira, Kamal Kanta and Anandamath.

The last of these, Anandamath deserves special mention here. It wasn’t necessarily the best of Bankim Chandra’s works, though still great in its own right. Yet because of its astonishing political consequences, with no other of his works is Bankim so closely identified.

The Anandamath story is set in 18th century India, when a group of warrior sannyasis mounted a guerilla war against Muslim rule (based on a true historical attempt by sannyasis to do precisely this). It was a riveting story line with amazing characters and meaningful dialogues. Yet more importantly, hundreds of thousands of Indians (primarily Hindus) took the story as a metaphor for their own present day situation, understanding it as a call to arms to drive the new tyrants (the British) away from the sacred soil. Indeed, the main revolutionary group in Bengal chose its name as that of the sannyasin group from Anandamath. The most important and widely known section of this book was the poem “Vande Mataram” which means “Hail to the Mother(land)”. The song became the battle cry for India’s freedom struggle. It was set to become India’s National Anthem, but was rejected because a section of Muslims considered the song as idolatrous due to its metaphor comparing India to the tiger-borne Goddess Durga “with instruments of punishment in each of her ten hands”. To placate the Muslims (and Jawahalal Nehru) the constituent assembly rejected it as the National Anthem. Incidentally, Rabindranath Tagore, the great poet whose “Jana Gana” eventually became India’s National Anthem had stated on several occasions that he desired very much that Bankim Chandra’s “Vande Mataram” should become the National Anthem of free India. For example, in 1928, he said in an interview with Mulk Raj Ananda “I share his ideas of inheriting the past – if made relevant for the present! Bankim Chandra is our master in this respect. In our school here, students sing “Bande Mataram” every morning…..I hope it becomes the national anthem of free India!”

Bankim Chandra’s Anandamath demonstrated the most powerful example in modern history of how art can affect real life to a tremendous extent – especially in an artistically orientated civilisation like that of the Hindus.

Towards the end of his life, Bankim Chandra turned his attention to write about spirituality – the very essence of Hindu civilisation. A Life of Krishna and a book on the Essence of Religion, a rendering of the Bhagavad Gita and a commentary on the Vedas were his aims to give to his fellow countrymen. The first two he managed to complete, and the rendering of the Bhagavad Gita was three parts finished, but the commentary on the Vedas, which should have been a priceless possession, never got into the stage of execution. Death, in whose shadow he had so long dwelt, with his ailing health, took the pen from his hand before he could accomplish this feat. Yet his contributions to literature are enough to immortalise his memory.

Vande Mataram!

Indians, why 25th June, 1975 was called the darkest day in the history of democratic India?

PART: 1

25 June 1975 will go down in the history of the Indian Republic as a most infamous day and a black day when the then Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi who headed the Congress Party as its dynastic head imposed an 'Internal Emergency' in India for reasons which had no bearing to the internal security of the country.

The Emergency was declared by PM Indira Gandhi to suppress the widespread political unrest and agitation generated by her refusal to submit to her unseating from power in a judgment by the Allahabad High Court on an election petition charging her with electoral corruption in her Lok Sabha General Elections . Rather than to submit gracefully to the verdict given in the Court judgment the Congress Prime Minister by political subterfuge decided to continue in office.

The political agitation against the Congress PM was not led by any run of the mill Opposition political party leader. It was led by one of India's most venerated Gandhian and Sarvodaya leader Shri Jaya Prakash Narayan who stood for high moral values ​​in political office and political life. He was a freedom fighter of Indira Gandhi's father's generation and he could have assumed a high political appointment after Independence. But seeing the emerging trends in the closing stages of India's freedom movement he opted to be a crusader for morality in public life and of India's political leaders.

The Emergency was declared post-midnight with Congress PM Indira Gandhi virtually forcing a pliant President Fakhruddin Ahmad to sign the Proclamation imposing the Internal Emergency. Placed in office as a pliant President, by Indira Gandhi, he did not even question the reasons from the Prime Minister for such a grave measure.

Overnight, hundreds of political Opposition leaders and activists were arrested and put in jails all over India. The Indian media was strangled and put under stringent censorship. Human rights and freedoms were brutally suppressed by the Indira Gandhi regime. India's Supreme Court judiciary was interfered with. Some reports indicate that as many as eighteen Supreme Court judges were changed including a Chief Justice. There was talk of a committed judiciary. Even from within the Congress Party, the Young Turks MP's led by later PM Chandra Shekhar were also put behind bars for questioning Indira Gandhi's policies earlier.

Pliant bureaucrats were positioned in important appointments and were given sweeping powers to stifle all opposition to the Government and they really went on a rampage. Some of them occupy high Constitutional positions today under the present Congress Government.

The Indian democracy stood subverted by Congress Party Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and India was to be under a draconian siege till the 1977 General Elections. Till then the unquestioned writ of Indira Gandhi and her younger son, Sanjay Gandhi as an unconstitutional power centre plagued India. The Emergency imposition was to impose a 'shock and awe' effect on the Indian polity and the Indian public for their temerity to agitate against the existing political set-up.

In a manner of speaking the Emergency rule in India imposed by Congress Party Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was no different from the military dictatorship regimes of Pakistan.

It was ironic that an Emergency was imposed in India for reasons of political survival by the daughter of India's most admired democrat and Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru. It was more tragic that Indira Gandhi who also joined the freedom struggle for India's freedom struggle alongside her father should in 1977 stoop to suppress the very same freedoms and democracy that were fought for in order to continue as Prime Minister. The self-proclaimed high political morality of the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty stood compromised.

It was also ironic that the vast majority of Congress Party political leaders with the exception of the Young Turks did not raise even a whimper of protest against their dynastic political leader for the subversion of democracy. They supinely went along and many of the senior Congress Party leaders stooped low even to touch the feet of the young dynastic heir apparent.

Another 25 June came and went past without India even pausing to recall this infamous black day thirty two years ago. The Congress Party could not be expected to recall the political misdeed of an earlier dynastic head. The Bharatiya Janata Party which fought against the Emergency in its earlier avatar as the Jan Singh seems to be politically frozen today by political inertia. This was an occasion which should have been highlighted on a massive scale by it all over India. It was only in the Punjab Legislative Assembly that Chief Minister Prakash Singh Badal made special mention of the excesses of the Emergency despite vehement protests by Congress MLA's. Many would not know that the Akalis under the leadership of Badal spearheaded a massive protest against the Emergency rule. More than 40,000 Akali workers were put in jails.

The bulk of the Indian media controlled by industrial houses close to the ruling Congress Party, did not highlight this infamous day. If for nothing else they could have emphasized that India's democracy should never be allowed to be subverted by self-seeking politicians.

Congress Prime Minister Indira Gandhi Imposes Internal Emergency

Against such a background, the only redeeming feature that strikes the mind is that the people of India did no hesitate to strike back in 1977 against Congress Party Prime Minister Indira Gandhi for her subversion of democracy and the Emergency excesses. They unseated her from power. Though she came back to power again, not because of any new found political popularity but because of the internal squabbles of the Janata Party, politically the things were never the same again for her. Her image took a dive.

In this lie many lessons for the India of today stretching from attempts to put into Rashtrapati Bhavan once again a pliant political non-entity as President by the Congress Party President, to the questioning of Supreme Court judgments on unconstitutional legislation passed by the Parliament by political leaders and contriving dubious legislative measures to perpetuate in office those unseated as happened in the Office of Profit controversy.

India's middle class in1977 was small and yet they along with the rest of India unseated Indira Gandhi for her political transgressions and subversion of democracy. Today India's burgeoning middle class is over 300 million strong and they must politically empower themselves not only to correct the distorted electoral arithmetic imposed by casteist political leaders and custodians of minority vote banks, but also to act forcefully as sentinels of Indian democracy.

Never again should the people of India ever allow another Internal Emergency to be imposed on India by self-seeking Indian politicians, however charismatic. It is well said that 'Eternal Vigilance is the Price of Liberty' and every Indian citizen should be alive to it.

24-Jun-2014

Emergency: The Darkest Period in Indian Democracy

PART: 2

April 28th 1976 is remembered as a black day in the history of Indian democracy. The very foundations of democracy were murdered on this day when the Supreme Court pronounced its judgment in ADM Jabalpur Vs Shukla. The decision of Supreme Court in ADMJabalpuer Vs shukla had greatly disappointed the Indians who loved the pledges of justice and liberty incorporated in the preamble of our constitution.

FACTS OF THE CASE

The germs of this case were to be found in the election of Mrs Indira Gandhi (the then prime minster of India) which had been held to be invalid by the Allahabad High Court. In her desire to stick to the chair of prime minster she chose to declare a national emergency on 25th June 1975 on the ground of 'internal threat' to the security of India. As a result of the emergency censorship was imposed on the press on 25th June 1975 itself. On 5th August 1975, Maintenance of Internal Security Act (MISA) was approved by the parliament and a number of opposition leaders were detained under this law. Any person who was considered to be a political threat or who could raise the voice of opposition was detained without trial under the MISA. According to Amnesty International, 1, 40,000 persons were arrested without trial during the emergency period. Many of the detained persons challenged their arrest through writs before the High Courts under Article 226 of the constitution of India. As a result of these writs the state governments in many of the High court's raised the issue that, whether such writs were maintainable on the ground that under the presidential order declaring emergency the right to file such writ was taken away. All the High court's declared that despite the suspension of fundamental right of a detained person, he could show that his detention was not in accordance with the law under which he was detained or that there was a mistake of identity.

The government being unsatisfied with this decision appealed to the Supreme Court and thus the most controversial case of ADM Jabalpur Vs Shukla came before the Supreme Court for hearing.

The then attorney general Niren De contended that the writ petitions would necessarily be dismissed since the right to move any court had been suspended and the detenue had no locus standi.

ISSUE

The main issue before the Supreme Court in this case was: -

Whether the high courts can entertain a writ of habeas corpus filed by a person challenging his detention, during the emergency period?

DECISION OF SUPREME COURT

"In view of the presidential order dated 27th June 1975 no person has any locus standi to move any writ petition under Article 226 before a high court for habeas corpus or any other writ or order or direction to challenge the legality of an order of detention on the ground that the order is not under or in compliance with the Act or is illegal or is vitiated by mala fides factual or legal or is based on extraneous grounds ".

This was the judgment delivered by four senior, most judges of the Supreme Court including chief justice ANRay. The dissenting judgment was that of justice HRKhanna. His contentions were opposed to that of the majority judgment. Justice Khanna made a significant quote in his judgment which runs as follows: -

"As observed by CJ, Huges, judges were not there simply to decide cases, but to decide them as they think they should be decided, and while it may be regrettable that they cannot always agree, it is better that their independence should be maintained and recognized than that unanimity should be secured through its sacrifice. A dissent in a court of last resort, to use his words, is an appeal to the brooding spirit of the law, to the intelligence of a future day, when a later decision may possibly correct the error into which the dissenting judge believes the court to have been betrayed ".

CRITICAL ANALYSIS

The chief reason behind the filing of this writ petition was the political unrest during that period. Opponents had long made allegations that the congress party had taken recourse to electoral frauds to win the 1971 election. Cases of election fraud and misuse of state machinery for election purposes were lodged in the Allahabad High Court against Indira Gandhi by Raj Narain who had been defeated in the parliamentary election by Indira Gandhi. The Allahabad High Court in its judgment declared Indira Gandhi's election as void and also unseated her from the Lok Sabha. This decision in course of time became the primary reason for the imposition of the 1975 emergency.

On 26th sept. 1975, the 39th amendment to the constitution was made so as to place the election of prime minster beyond the judicial scrutiny. This was an intelligent step by Indira Gandhi to safeguard her seat.

A close study of the facts behind the filing of this writ petition reveals that it was in fact a case for assertion of political powers by one party over the other.

Further during 1975, another National emergency was also in operation on the ground of war with Pakistan. But before the imposition of national emergency on 1975 an amendment was made and a new provision was added in the constitution which provided for imposition of more than one national emergency under Article 352 at the same time. This was done to overcome any legal difficulty which may arise from the simultaneous operation of two national emergencies at the same time. This was in fact another intelligent step by Mrs Indira Gandhi to legalize the imposition of 1975 emergency.

As a matter of fact it is evident that the majority judgment of Supreme Court in ADM Jabalpur Vs Shukla is to a great extent influenced by the political circumstances prevailing at that time. The supreme court even refused to follow the ruling in Makhan Singh Vs state of Punjab (1964) wherein the supreme court had pointed out that if a detenue challenged his detention on the ground that it violated statutory provision or the detention is vitiated by mala fides the challenge could not be barred because of the presidential order under Article 359 (1),

However, the lone dissenting voice of justice Khanna was paid due respect in the year 1978 when the constitution 44th amendment Act was passed. Justice Khanna had paid the price for his dissent. He was supposed to be the next chief justice of India but unfortunately he had to resign before he could become the chief justice of India.

Before the 44th amendment the national emergency provision under Article 352 (1) was as follows: - 'the president can proclaim emergency when he is satisfied that a grave emergency exists whereby the security of India or any part of the territory thereof is threatened by ( a) war; or (b) external aggression; or (c) internal disturbances'

The words "internal disturbances" was in fact responsible for the successful imposition of the 1975 emergency. The words "internal disturbance" is a vague one and it is difficult to ascertain the situations covered under this words. However the 44th amendment to the constitution has substituted the words "armed rebellion" for the words "internal disturbances" and thereby narrowed the scope of emergency situations.

The constitution 44th amendment Act has a great significance in the Indian legal history. It has made the proclamation of emergency under Article 352 (1) so complex that after 1975 no emergency has been proclaimed till today under Article 352 (1). The 44th amendment has placed a number of significant safeguards to check the misuse of Article 352 (1) in future.

Thus in conclusion it is clear that the 1975 national emergency was a pre planned drama of the Indira Gandhi govt. in order to secure certain political objectives.

The 12 things to expect from @arunjaitley's 10 July budget

When governments change, priorities change. However, Union budgets prepared immediately after a general election tend to be large on announcements about change rather than real changes in allocations and priorities. This is because there is very little time between election results and budget day to be able to comprehensively change the contours completely.

This time, the election results came on 16 May, and the formation of the central government took another 10 days as this was the first time a sitting state Chief Minister was elected Prime Minister. The delays related to the need for Narendra Modi to hand over power in Gujarat smoothly before moving to Delhi.

Moreover, when the political order changes, as in this general election, the new ministers would not have had the time to familiarise themselves with their own ministries before dealing with the finance ministry on the budget.

The net result is the previous interim budget tends to be the guiding document, with the big changes being largely cosmetic in nature or about things to come in future.

Will the 10 July budget be any different? Will it be more or less what P Chidambaram presented on 17 February (the interim budget), with only the medium-term policy goals being different, and the budget proposals largely remaining tweaked versions of the last UPA budget?

These are what I would expect in the budget to be presented by Arun Jaitley on 10 July:

#1: Marginal changes in the minimum tax-free bracket (Rs 2 lakh now) to reflect higher inflation.

#2: Some changes and increases in the 80C savings limit to boost savings.

#3: Special tax breaks for industry to start investing, including possible quicker depreciation.

#4: Scrapping of some centrally-sponsored schemes and transfer of the resources to states – which will be explained as a push to greater state autonomy.

#5: A restatement of Chidambaram’s fiscal deficit numbers so that the burden of lowering it this year is eased.

#6: A higher disinvestment target than what Chidambaram proposed, thanks to a more buoyant market.

#7: Very few changes to indirect taxes – both excise and customs.

#8: A new deadline for the implementation of the goods and services tax (GST), probably around mid-2015 or 1 April 2016.

#9: Announcement of a new Direct Taxes Code effective from 1 April 2015 – with details to come later.

#10: Higher allocations to education, skill-building, health, and urban schemes. All of Modi’s pet projects – toilets, rural housing, roads, special manufacturing zones - will find a mention in terms of intent, and there will be token allocations, but nothing major. The money and actual details will come later

#11: Possible announcement of a changed, reduced, role for the Planning Commission, with the finance ministry itself being the nodal agency for dealing with state plan outlay. Maybe, even a scrapping of the 12th plan, with focus shifting to annual plans. The distinction between plan and non-plan outlays may be given up, and revenue and capital spending being the only distinction.

#12: NREGA and Land Bills will be tweaked to make them more pro-growth, pro-infrastructure development.

But the bottomline is not much money will be shown for all the pet NDA schemes. In short, the Jaitley budget will probably draw on Chidambaram’s underlying budget because he has had no time to overhaul it.

Over the last 23 years, from 1991 to now, we have seen big changes in the political orientation of new governments in 1991, 1996, 1998, 2004 - and now. But barring 1991, when within a month after the elections Narasimha Rao and Manmohan Singh simply changed the entire direction of the Indian economy – with external bankruptcy concentrating minds wonderfully – no new government has really managed to do all that it wanted to in its very first budget. There is simply too little time.

The hiking of railway fares and freight hikes last week – which was a UPA government proposal – further confirms to us that NDA’s first budget math will not be too different from that of the UPA.

In 2004, when UPA-1 replaced Vajpayee’s NDA, Chidambaram as finance minister paid lip-service to the National Common Minimum Programme (NCMP) agreed between the Congress, the Left and other alliance parties. But the budget made very few sweeping changes in its first attempt: the big changes related to just one or two areas, and not the whole budget.

Chidambaram changed very little on direct taxes, and the key changes related to the introduction of securities transaction tax (STT) on stock exchange transactions and the abolition of long-term capital gains tax. An education cess of 2 percent on all taxes was also introduced for the first time.

Chidambaram explained why he was not making big changes in his budget speech of 8 July 2008: “The government has to shift gears; and even if we are able to do so quickly, it would leave us only about six months to achieve our objectives for this year. We have, therefore, decided to adopt an innovative approach. The Planning Commission has advised the ministries and departments to redefine their priorities and redraw their programmes in accordance with the NCMP. Besides, new programmes or schemes may have to be launched, and old ones restructured. Under the circumstances, it was considered optimal to allow the ongoing programmes to continue until the Planning Commission completes an exhaustive review and reorients the expenditure pattern to conform to the NCMP objectives.”

Chidambaram’s "innovation" was simply to buy time.

On direct taxes, he simply shifted the changes to the next budget. “I am a votary of tax reforms but it would be unwise on my part to attempt to do tax reform in a hurried or piece-meal manner. Seven months from now there will be another Budget, and there will be an occasion to visit the subject of tax reform.”

So, given the short time available, Jaitley is more than likely to do what Chidambaram did in 2004. Make big announcements in directional change, but make only small changes in the actual budget numbers.

SYAMA PRASAD MOOKERJEE (1901-1953)

FOUNDER OF THE BHARATIYA JANA SANGH

The BJP is the successor party of the BJS, which merged itself into the Janata Party in 1977. The BJP was formed as a separate party in 1980 after internal differences in the Janata Party resulted in the collapse of it's government in 1979.

A BRIEF LIFE

Dr. Mookerjee's mother Jogmaya Debi exclaimed, on hearing of her son's death.
"Proudly do I feel that the loss of my son is a loss to Mother India !"

Born on 6th July 1901 in a famous family. His father Sir Asutosh was widely known in Bengal. Graduated from Calcutta University he became a fellow of the Senate in 1923. He enrolled as an advocate in Calcutta High Court in 1924 after his father's death. Subsequently he left for England in 1926 to study in Lincoln's Inn and became a barrister in 1927. At the age of 33, he became the world's youngest Vice-Chancellor of the Calcutta University and held the office till 1938. During his tenure, he introduced a number of constructive reforms and was active in Asiatic Society of Calcutta as well as was a member of the Court and the Council of the Indian Institute of Science, Bangalore and Chairman of the Inter-University of Board.

He was elected as member of the Legislative Council of Bengal as a Congress candidate representing Calcutta University but resigned next year when Congress decided to boycott the legislature. Subsequently, he contested the election as an independent and got elected.

He became the opposition leader when Krishak Praja Party - Muslim League coalition was in power 1937-41 and joined the Progressive Coalition Ministry headed by Fazlul Haq as a Finance Minister and within less than an year resigned. He emerged as a spokesman for Hindus and shortly joined Hindu Mahasabha and in 1944, he became the President.

After the assassination of Gandhiji, he wanted the Hindu Mahasabha not to be restricted to Hindus alone or work as apolitical body for the service of masses and broke away from it on this issue on November 23, 1948.

Pandit Nehru inducted him in the Interim Central Government as a Minister for Industry and supply. On issue of Delhi pact with Likayat Ali Khan, Mookerjee resigned from the Cabinet on 6th April 1950. After consultation with Shri Golwalkar Guruji of RSS Shri Mookerjee founded Bharatiya Jana Sangh on 21st Oct. 1951 at Delhi and he became the first President of it. In 1952 elections, Bharatiya Jana Sangh won 3 seats in Parliament one of them being that of Shri Mookerjee. He had formed National Democratic Party within the Parliament which consisted 32 members of MPs and 10 of Members of Rajya Sabha which however was not recognised by the speaker as an opposition party.

To voice his opposition he turned outside Parliament and on Kashmir he termed the arrangement under Article 370 as Balkanisation of India and three nation theory of Shaikh Abdullah. Bharatiya Jana Sangh along with Hindu Mahasabha and Ram Rajya Parishad launched a massive Satyagraha to get removed the pernicious provisions. Mookerjee went to visit Kashmir in 1953 and was arrested on 11th May while crossing border. He died as detenu on June 23, 1953.

A veteran politician, he was respected by his friends and foes alike for his knowledge and forthrightness. He outshined all other Ministers in the cabinet except perhaps Pandit Nehru by his erudition and culture. India lost a great son at a very early stage of Independence.

Happy World Music Day

Since 1982, every year on June 21 – the day of the summer solstice, amateur and professional musicians come together to celebrate the Fête de la Musique or the World Music Day. For already several years, Yerevan has joined 460 cities in the world, which on this day welcome in their streets and parks musicians and bands already loved by the public, as well as those who are still to become famous.

This year once again the Embassy of France in Armenia, RA Ministry of Culture and Orange Armenia have joined their efforts to celebrate the Day, the press service of Orange Armenia reports.

Valuing the songs authored by professional singers and beginner artists, on June 21 Orange will organize concerts in the Lovers’ Park in Yerevan (from 7pm) and in Charles Aznavour Square (from 3pm), providing an opportunity to enjoy live performances of celebrated bands, such as The Beautified Project, The Band, The Manuscript, The Windrose, as well as bards. Already for the second year, the Embassy of France in Armenia will organize an event (at 8pm) in the Round Hall of the Embassy under the title “A walk through France”, dedicated to the French chanson and music. During the event songs representing the French culture, cities and landscapes, as well as French people will be performed. On the initiative of RA Ministry of Culture, a variety show will be organized in the Victory Park, featuring performance of the students of the State Collage of Jazz; a number of concert will as well be held in the regions.

The Fête de la Musique was originated by the French Ministry of Culture in 1982. The idea of having such a Day first appeared when a study on the cultural habits of the French revealed that five million people, i.e., one young person out of two, played a musical instrument. These results inspired the French Minister of Culture of that time to think of ways to provide these people with the possibility to express their talents on the streets.

Within 15 years, the Fête de la Musique has spread to more than 100 countries in 5 continents.

10 facts to know about Jashodaben, wife of Prime Minister of India (@PMOIndia)

The relationship status of Prime Minister Narendra Modi was always a matter of intense media speculation before 2014 parliamentary elections. Before 2014 Lok Sabha elections, the relationship status of Narendra Modi was not clear.   Since he was a RSS pracharak in the past, many people believed that Modi was single as was the practice in RSS for its pracharakas. 

It was in 2009 that the ‘open’ magazine did a story on ‘Jashodaben’ claiming her to be the wife of the then Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi. Narendra Modi’s silence on the topic gave credence to the story but the status of Narendra Modi was still not clear. Narendra Modi publically accepted his married status for the first time while filing his nomination papers from Vadodara Lok Sabha constituency. 

Before 2014 Lok Sabha elections, Modi used to mark the space with a short dash where a candidate had to mention whether he was married or not.  Actually it was not mandatory earlier but  it was made mandatory by a SC judgement and subsequent order by the Election Commission  in September 2013, for all candidates to provide all the information that was sought from them in the  prescribed format of the  affidavit. 

Since Modi was left with no option, he publically accepted in his affidavit while filing nomination papers from Vadodara Lok Sabha constituency that he was married and his wife’s name was Jashodaben although he made it clear that he had no other details available with him about his wife. The moment Modi filed his affidavit, his wife Jashodaben became a household name.  Modi was criticized by his opponents  for concealing his marital status but it was a moment of joy for Jashodaben- the forgotten wife of Narendra Modi.

11.       Jashodaben married Narendra Modi when she was 17 and Modi was 18. Jashodaben separated from Narendra Modi within three years of marriage as Modi had bigger things to do.  

It came as a shock to Jshodaben but she accepted it as part of her destiny. Even today Jashodaben blames it on her destiny and says that Modi was destined to serve the nation and that’s why he left the home.

After Modi left him, Jashodaben decided to remain single for rest of her life and even today she expects Narendra Modi to invite her to stay with him at 7 race Course Road..

22.      Jashodaben, now 62 years old, is a retired school teacher and gets a monthly pension of Rs 14,000. Jashodaben lives mostly with his brother and spends much of her time in prayer.

According to Jashodaben, she feels lucky that she has got dependable brothers who have supported her whole heartedly throughout her life. 

Jashodaben had quit studies once she went to Modi’s place although Modi wanted her  to pursue education. 

Inspired by Modi’s wish,  Jashodaben  pursued her Primary Teachers Training (PTC) course and got a job.

Even today, Jashodaben fondly remembers Modi taking keen interest in talking to her and even in the affairs of the kitchen.

33.        Jashodaben’s marriage with Modi  lasted for three years but according to Jashodaben, they were not together for more than three months.

Jashodaben conceded the fact that she and Modi parted ways on positive note and there were never any fights between them. Once they parted ways, they were not in touch. 

Jashodaben tracks all the news relating to Narendra Modi . She also watches Television for tracking news related to Modi and she loves to read everything about him.

"Jashoda would read and watch every bit of news about Narenbhai. Despite being abandoned, Jashoda never spoke ill of him. That is a true Indian woman for you," Vasanti, sister of Narendra Modi, told a leading newspaper.

44.        When Narendra Modi told Jashodaben that he would be leaving home and moving around the country, Jashodaben asked Modi  to take her along with him. 

When Jashodaben would visit her in-law’s place, Modi would not be present and gradually he stopped visiting his home.

As Modi got busy with his RSS work and stopped coming to his home, jashodaben too stopped going there after a point and she went back to her father’s house.

Jashodaben does not feel bad about Modi having abandoned her because she feels it’s all because of her destiny. She believes that Modi did this because of her destiny and bad times.

55.       Jashodaben faced lots of difficulties in her life after Modi left home although her in-laws always treated her well. 

Jashodaben’s father supported her when she wanted to pursue education and he paid the fees for her studies. Even her brothers supported her financially so that she could complete her studies without any problem. 

Jashodaben lost her parents by the time she was in class 10. However, she continued with her education and did her SSC in 1974. She completed her teachers training in 1976 and became a teacher in 1978. Jashodaben charted her own course after Modi moved away from her life. 

66.        Jashodaben has fond memories her interactions with Modi in the past. She admits that she has moved forward in life because of Modi and that they both interfered in each other’s lives. 

A nostalgic Jashodaben told a leading publication, “Once I had come to meet him with Hiraba (Modi’s mother) at the RSS shakha in Vadnagar. He had hurt his hand and I put medicine on it. Another time he had acted in a play called ‘Ek Phool, Do Maali’, which I went for. After the play got over, I told him he was very good in it. If it is in my fate that we are meant to be together then we will be. I have also moved forward in life because of him. I have never interfered in his life and nor has he.”

77.      Jashodaben’s joy knew no boundaries after Narendra Modi win the race for 7, Race Course Road. 

An emotional  Jashodaben went on to say that she is  his wife and will always remain his wife and that she is proud of her husband. 

An excited Jashodaben told mediapersons, “Since it was made compulsory, he admitted to it. After so many years I felt good that he remembered me. I felt very happy on hearing this, why won’t I feel happy… He has never publicly said he was unmarried…. I am his wife and will always remain his wife. I am proud he is my husband. I have experienced the greatest joy that he is PM now. I will go and meet him when the time comes.”

88.        According to Jashodaben, she last spoke to Modi on January 1, 1987. From the core of her heart, Jashodaben still considers Modi as her husband.

Jashodaben never ever thought of marrying again after Modi moved away from his life. When asked to explain why she didn’t consider marrying again, Jashodaben told a publication - After this experience, I don’t think I want to. My heart is not into it.

Even his elder brother Ashok Modi says, “Jashodaben never stayed with Narendrakumar (Modi) after marriage and has led a life alone dedicated to spiritualism. But by heart she still considers Narendrakumar (Modi) as her husband. She had taken a pledge of not eating rice or any preparation made out of it till he (Modi) becomes a prime minister.”

99.       Jashodaben enjoyed teaching and taught classes from the first to fifth grade and taught all subjects.

She starts her day by 4 am and begins with prayers to Ambe Ma (Goddess Durga). She is deeply spiritual in personal life and spends all her time in prayer. 

She mostly lives with her elder brother Ashok Modi who lives in Unjha. She also keeps visiting her other brother Kamlesh who lives in Brahman Vada near Unjha.

Jashodaben is proud of her two brothers and believes that God has been kind to her for giving her two caring brothers. They never let her feel lonely in life. 

110.   2014 turned out to be a very happy year in Jashodaben’s life. In this year, Narendra Modi first accepted her as his wife and then he won a landslide victory for which Jashodaben had also prayed to the deities.  

Jashodaben was excited when Narendra Modi won a landslide victory in 2014 Lok Sabha elections. 

Jashodaben was also planning to attend the swearing-in ceremony of Narendra Modi , if invited.

“It is the happiest thing for me that he has become the prime minister. No invitation has reached me so far, but if I get one I will surely go, why would I not go.  If he calls me I will go. After all, it is my husband who is calling me and not someone else,” Jashodaben had told media.

Biography of Ram Prasad Bismil

Ram Prasad Bismil (Hindi: राम प्रसाद 'बिस्मिल') was an Indian revolutionary who participated in Mainpuri Conspiracy of 1918, and the Kakori conspiracy of 1925, both against British Empire. As well as being a freedom fighter, he was also a patriotic poet. Ram, Agyat and Bismil were known as his pen names which he used in Urdu and Hindi poetry. But, he became popular with the last name "Bismil" only. He was associated with Arya Samaj where he got inspiration from Satyarth Prakash, a book written by Swami Dayanand Saraswati. He also had a confidential connection with Lala Har Dayal through his guru Swami Somdev, who was a renowned preacher of Arya Samaj.

Bismil was one of the founder members of the revolutionary organisation Hindustan Republican Association. Bhagat Singh praised him as a great poet-writer of Urdu and Hindi, who had also translated the books Catherine from English and Bolshevikon Ki Kartoot from Bengali. Several inspiring patriotic verses are attributed to him. The famous poem "Sarfaroshi ki Tamanna" is also popularly attributed to him, although some progressive writers have remarked that 'Bismil' Azimabadi actually wrote the poem and Ram Prasad Bismil immortalized it.

Early life

Ram Prasad Bismil was born at Shahjahanpur, a historical city of Uttar Pradesh (U.P.) in a religious Hindu family of Murlidhar and Moolmati.

Grandfather's migration

His grandfather Narayan Lal was migrated from his ancestral village Barbai and settled at a very distant place Shahjahanpur in U.P. Barbai was situated on the bank of river Chambal in Tomardhar region of the then estate of Gwalior in the British period. This village is now in the Murena district of Madhya Pradesh.

Father's efforts to educate the son

His father, Murlidhar, was living in Khirni Bag Mohalla of Shahjahanpur city, where Ram was born. In childhood, Ram was sent to a local primary school but he was very much adamant to learn Hindi because of an Hindi alphabet "u" which was taught as 'u' for 'owl'.

In Urdu School

When his father Murlidhar could not make him learn "u" in spite of every effort, he decided to educate Ram through Urdu medium and he was admitted in Islamia School of Shahjahanpur. As he grew up, he associated with bad students and read romantic poetry books and cheap novels that undermined his academic work.

Admitted in English school

When he failed twice in 7th standard of Urdu, he was admitted to an English school called Mission School of the city. After passing 8th standard from Mission School in First Division, he was admitted to the Government School in Shahjahanpur. While studying in this school, he kept his pen-name as 'Bismil' and continued writing patriotic poetry. He became popular by the name Bismil amongst his class mates.

Contact with Somdev

When he was a student of 9th class, he read in newspaper a news about the death sentence of Bhai Parmanand, a famous scholar and companion of Lala Har Dayal. Bismil was 18 years old at that time. In those days he used to go to the Arya Samaj Temple of Shahjahanpur daily, where Swami Somdev, a friend of Bhai Paramanand, was staying. A revengeful anger had burst out in the mind of Bismil through this incident. He composed a poem in Hindi titled "My Birth" (hi. mera janm) and showed it to Swami Somdev. In that poem he showed his commitment to root out the British Empire from India.

Firm resolve

Swami Somdev read the poem and said- "Ram Prasad! I know that you are very much hurt by heart and accordingly you have chosen your pen name as 'Bismil'. Your poem is also full of patriotic feelings and your views are very clear but, my dear child! it is not so easy to fulfill the commitment until a solid determination does not sustain in your heart and mind." In spite of arguments and counter-arguments from the Swami, Bismil did not deviate from his commitment. When Swami Somdev saw a burning flame of revolution in his eyes, he advised him to prepare himself politically and go to Lucknow to participate actively in the next Indian National Congress of 1916.

In Lucknow Congress

Next year Bismil left the school and went to Lucknow with his friends. The Liberal group was not prepared to allow Moderate group for any type of welcome of Tilak in the city. Bismil and a senior student of M.A. laid down the car of Tilak and lead the overwhelming procession of Bal Gangadhar Tilak in whole of the city. Bismil was highlighted there and so many youths from all over India became his fans. They organised a group of youths and decided to publish a book in Hindi on the history of American independence, America Ki Swatantrata Ka Itihas, with the consent of Swami Somdev. This book was published with a fictitious name of Babu Harivans Sahai, B.A. and its publisher's name was given as Somdev Siddhgopal Shukla. As soon as the book was published, the then U.P. Government proscribed it to be sold anywhere in the state.

Revolutionary actions in Mainpuri

Bismil formed a revolutionary organization in the name of Matrivedi (en.Altar of Motherland) and contacted Pt. Genda Lal Dixit who was a school teacher at Auraiya. Reference of Dixit was given to him by his mentor Som Dev.

Joint actions

Till then Bismil had collected some weapons also. Som Dev knew that Bismil could be more offensive in his mission if a matured and experienced person supported him. Genda Lal had contacts with some powerful decoits of the state.

He wanted to utilize their power in the armed struggle against the British rulers. Like Bismil, Dixit had also formed an armed organisation of youths called Shivaji Samiti (named after Shivaji). When Bismil told Dixit that his ancestors belonged to the notorious area of Central Province known for bravery, Dixit was happy and he accepted the offer. After that they organised youths of Etawah, Mainpuri, Agra and Shahjahanpur districts of United Province (now Uttar Pradesh) to strengthen the organisation.

Absconded from Delhi Congress

On 28 January 1918 'Bismil' published a pamphlet titled "Deshvasiyon Ke Nam Sandesh" (en.A Message to Countrymen) and distributed it amongst public along with his poem "Mainpuri Ki Pratigya" (en.Vow of Mainpuri). In order to collect funds for the party looting was undertaken on three occasions in 1918. Police searched for them in and around Mainpuri while they were selling the books proscribed by the U.P. Government in the Delhi Congress of 1918. When police found them, Bismil absconded with the books unsold. When he was planning another looting between Delhi and Agra, a police team arrived and firing started from both the sides. Bismil was very cautious: he jumped into the river Yamuna and swam underwater. The police and his companions thought that he had died in the encounter. Dixit was arrested along with his other companions and he was kept in Agra fort from which Dixit fled and lived underground in Delhi. A criminal case was filed against them. It is known as the "Mainpuri Conspiracy" against the British King Emperor. On 1 November 1919 the Judiciary Magistrate of Mainpuri B.S. Chris announced the judgement against all accused and declared Dixit and Bismil as absconders, because they could not be arrested by the police in spite of all efforts.

Underground activities of Bismil

From 1919 to 1920 Bismil remained underground, for sometime in Rampur Jagir/Jahangir village of present Gautam Budh Nagar Distt situated in Greater Noida, sometimes in Kosma village of Mainpuri district, sometimes in Bah and Pinahat of Agra Distt (all in the U.P. state). He also went to his paternal village Barbai in Morena district of M.P. state to take some money from his mother. While living underground he wrote several books: Man Ki Lahar - a collection of poems, Bolshevikon Ki Kartoot - a revolutionary novel, Yogik Sadhan - a booklet of yoga defining how to create a firm resolve in one's mind, and Catherine or Swadhinta Ki Devi - a consigned autobiography of Catherine, the grandmother of the Russian Revolution. Out of these books only Man Ki Lahar was a collection of poems written by 'Bismil' and his contemporary poets, whereas Bolshevikon Ki Kartoot and Yogik Sadhan were translated from Bengali and the Catherine or Swadhinta Ki Devi was fabricated from English.

Translation of Bengali books

The way he wrote these books was not so easy. As he has mentioned in his autobiography, he used to go to the arid land pasture and let the cattle loose to graze. Then he would settle down under a Babul tree with an exercise book and a pencil to translate the Bengali books. After completing some translation he used see if the cattle are grazing peacefully or not. Sometimes when the cattle were not visible nearby Bismil used to recall them with a stick and retrieve them back to the range of his voice command. He would spend most of his time to translate the books and the least to his daily routine for the monotonous meals which he also used to make himself.

Publication of books

He got all these books published through his own resources under Sushilmala - a series of publications except one Yogik Sadhan which was given to a publisher who was absconded and could not be traced out. These books have been discovered by 'Krant' M. L. Verma and are available in the libraries. Catherine or Swadhinta Ki Devi and Yogik Sadhan are compiled and edited in Sarfaroshi Ki Tamanna (Vol. 3) whereas Man Ki Lahar and Bolshevikon Ki Kartoot are published separately. Another of Bismil's books, Kranti Geetanjali, was published in 1929 after his death and was proscribed by British Raj in 1931. The Archives of India got this book under their Accession No 961. Now this book has been published in India and is available in the libraries.

Formation of Hindustan Republican Association

In February 1920, when all the prisoners of Mainpuri Conspiracy Case were released under government proclamation, Bismil returned to his native place Shahjahanpur and met the District Authorities. They allowed Bismil to live peacefully after taking an affidavit of undertaking from him declaring therein not to participate in any such revolutionary activity.

Back to home

He joined Bharat Silk Manufacturing Co. as a manager for sometimes and after that started a business of silk sarees in the partnership of Banarsi Lal. Banarsi Lal and Bismil had been associated with the District Congress Committee of Shahjahanpur. Although Bismil earned good money in the business yet he was not satisfied because his earlier commitment to get out British rulers from India was not fulfilled.

In Ahmedabad Congress

In 1921 Bismil attended Ahmedabad Congress along with many volunteers from Shahjahanpur and occupied a place on the dias. A senior congressman Prem Krishna Khanna and revolutionary Ashfaqulla Khan was also with him. Bismil played an active role in the Congress with Maulana Hasrat Mohani and got the most debated proposal of Poorn Swaraj passed in the General Body meeting of Congress. Mohandas K. Gandhi, who was not in the favour of this proposal became quite helpless before the overwhelming demand of youths. It was another victory of Bismil against the Liberal Group of Congress. He returned to Shahjahanpur and mobilised the youths of United Province for non-cooperation with the Government. The people of U.P. were so much influenced by the furious speeches and verses of Bismil that they became hostile against British Raj.

Opposition of Gandhi in Gaya Congress

In February 1922 some agitating farmers were killed in Chauri Chaura by the police. The police station of Chauri Chaura was attacked by the people and 22 policemen were burnt alive. Gandhi, without ascertaining the facts behind this incident, declared an immediate stop the non-cooperation movement without consulting any executive committee member of the Congress. Bismil and his group of youths strongly opposed Gandhi in the Gaya session of Indian National Congress (1922). When Gandhi refused to rescind his decision, its existing president Chittranjan Das resigned and the Indian National Congress was divided into two groups - one liberal and the other for rebellion. In January 1923, the rich group of party formed a new Swaraj Party under the joint leadership of Pt. Moti Lal Nehru and Chittranjan Das, and the youth group formed a revolutionary party under the leadership of Bismil.

Yellow Paper constitution

With the consent of Lala Har Dayal, Bismil went to Allahabad where he drafted the constitution of the party in 1923 with the help of Sachindra Nath Sanyal and another revolutionary of Bengal, Dr. Jadugopal Mukherjee. The basic name and aims of the organisation were typed on a Yellow Paper and later on a subsequent Constitutional Committee Meeting was conducted on 3 October 1924 at Kanpur in U.P. under the Chairmanship of Sachindra Nath Sanyal.

Sharing responsibility

This meeting decided the name of the party would be the Hindustan Republican Association (HRA). After a long discussion from others Bismil was declared there the District Organiser of Shahjahanpur and Chief of Arms Division. An additional responsibility of Provincial Organiser of United Province (Agra and Oudh) was also entrusted to him. Sachindra Nath Sanyal, was anonymously nominated as National Organiser and another senior member Jogesh Chandra Chatterjee, was given the responsibility of Coordinator, Anushilan Samiti. After attending the meeting in Kanpur, both Sanyal and Chatterjee left the U.P. and proceeded to Bengal for further extension of the organisation.

Publication of "The Revolutionary"

A pamphlet titled "The Revolutionary" was published in January 1925 under a fictitious name, Vijay Kumar and was circulated all over India. It was a pamphlet of four pages wherein the programme or manifesto of the revolutionaries was declared with a promise to Indian public for equal opportunity to every man irrespective of social status high or low, rich or poor. Policies of Mohandas Gandhi were openly criticised and youths were called to join the organisation. The police were astonished to see the language of pamphlet and sought its leader in Bengal. Sachindra Nath Sanyal had gone to despatch this pamphlet in a bulk and was arrested in Bankura, West Bengal. Before Sanyal's arrest Jogesh Chandra Chatterjee had also gone in the hands of police at Howrah railway station of Calcutta in Bengal.

Objectives and ideology of HRA

The immediate objective of the HRA in the domain of politics was to establish a "Federal Republic of the United States of India by an organised and armed revolution".

Tactics defined

Armed struggle, terrorism and retaliatory strikes were the favoured tactics in the attempt to defeat the British Empire. Its manifesto declared:

"The Official terrorism is surely to be met with counter terrorism. A spirit of utter helplessness pervades every strata of our society and terrorism is an effective means of restoring the proper spirits in the society without which progress will be difficult.... This revolutionary party has deliberatly abstained itself from entering into this terrorist campaign at the present moment even at the greatest of the provocations in the form of outrages committed on their sisters and mothers by the agent of a foreign government simply because the party is waiting to deliver the final blow. But when expediency will demand it the party will unhesitatingly enter into a desperate campaign of terrorism, when the life of every officer and individual helping the foreign government will be made intolerable...."

— "The Revolutionary" India 1 January 1925

Nationalisation of big sectors

In the manifesto their methodology and ideology was also clarified by saying that the final constitution shall be framed only when their representatives elected by the public will have the power to do so. In order to avoid the exploitation of a man by a man the party had proposed the nationalisation of big sectors:

"The railways and other means of transportation and communication,the mines and other kinds of very great industries such as the manufactures of steel and ships, all these shall be nationalised. In the public, the electors shall have the right to recall their representatives if so desired otherwise the democracy shall become a mockery.... Instead of private and unorganised business enterprise, the Party prefers co-operative unions".... "The Indian revolutionaries are neither terrorists nor anarchists.... They do not believe terrorism alone can bring independence and do not want terrorism for terrorism's sake."

— "The Revolutionary" India 1 January 1925

Rebuking M.K.Gandhi

Notwithstanding their ideology and its consequences,they had also rebuked the leaders of the country viz. M.K.Gandhi:

"It is a self-deception to say that India's political liberty can be attained through peaceful and legitimate means. When the enemy is determined to break the peace at his own convenience, the fine phrase "legitimate" loses all its charm and significance when one pledges himself to maintain peace at all costs." "Our public leaders hesitate to speak in plain terms that India wants complete autonomy free from foreign control. They perhaps are ignorant of the fact that nations are born through the inspiration of great ideals. The spiritual ideal which hestitates to accept the spirit of complete autonomy can hardly be called spirititual, though it may seemingly appear the most unmistakable terms and to place before the nation an ideal worth the name."

— "The Revolutionary" India 1 January 1925

Other aims

The HRA was socialist on the footprints of Indian sages in its attitude as its manifesto stated. Amongst other goals stated in the manifesto were Universal Suffrage, supremacy of the legislature and religious freedom.

Kakori conspiracy

After arrest of both the senior organiser of HRA total responsibility to run the party had come on the shoulders of Bismil. The District Organisers were demanding money. They were writing very sensitive letters to him: "Pandit Ji! we are dying with hunger, please do something." As a result he was feeling himself guilty for their pitiable condition.

On the way of Irish revolution

He decided to collect money like Irish revolutionaries by stealing from the rich people of society. So he looted the money at Bichpuri in Pilibhit Distt. and at Dwarkapur in Pratapgarh Distt of U.P., but not enough money was received in either of these actions.

Action of Kakori

Bismil executed a meticulous plan for looting the government treasury carried in a train at Kakori, near Lucknow in U.P. This historical event happened on August 9, 1925 and is known as the Kakori conspiracy. Only ten revolutionaries stopped the 8 Down Saharanpur-Lucknow passenger train at Kakori - a station just before the Lucknow Railway Junction. German-made Mauser C96 semi-automatic pistols were used in this action. Ashfaqulla Khan, the lieutenant of the HRA Chief Ram Prasad Bismil gave away his Mauser to Manmath Nath Gupta and engaged himself to break open the cash chest. Eagerly watching a new weapon in his hand, Manmath Nath Gupta fired the pistol and incidentally a passenger Ahmed Ali, who got down the train to see his wife in ladies compartment, was killed in this rapid action.

Arrest & filing of criminal case

The incident created a great upheaval in British India. The retribution was severe when more than 40 revolutionaries were arrested from all over India. As per official record of the British Government, a criminal conspiracy case was filed against 28 active members of HRA by the Special Magistrate Ainuddin after a long time. 21 persons were presented before Session Court of Special Judge A. Hamilton on 21 May 1926. Abbas Salim Khan, Banvari Lal Bhargava, Gyan Chattarji and Mohd. Ayuf were the assessors (legal advisers) of the Judge.

Verdict of case

On April 6, 1927 the verdict of court came out of the special court of Lucknow. This special court was established by the then British Government in the Ring Theatre. During the British rule, this Ring Theater was situated in between two important monuments - Kothi Hayat Baksh and Mallika Ahad's palace. This building was used by the Britishers for their entertainment. The English dramas were played and movies were screened. A board was put at the entrance which read "Dogs and Indians not allowed". The famous Kakori trial happened at this Theater. Govind Vallabh Pant, Chandra Bhanu Gupta, Mohan Lal Saxena and Kripa Shankar Hajela fought for the accused viz. Ram Prasad Bismil, Roshan Singh & Ashfaquallah Khan, etc. During the years 1929-1932 this Theater was transformed into the present General Post Office. It is situated on the main Vidhan Sabha Road, opposite to Capital Picture Hall and Christ Church of the main Hazratganj crossing. A stone embedded on the main gate of the GPO dates the buildings as 1929-1932. Court's verdict was published in 115 pages and the charges were proved in such a manner that no body could escape the punishment.

Supplementary case decision and appeal in Chief Court

Another supplementary case was filed against Ashfaqulla Khan and Shachindra Nath Bakshi in the court of Special Sessions Judge J.R.W. Bennett. An appeal was filed in the then Chief Court of Oudh (now in U.P.) on 18 July 1927. A very senior advocate Pt. Jagat Narayan Mulla pleaded the case as public prosecutor on behalf of the Government whereas Ram Prasad Bismil defended his case himself. He did not take any help from the Government.

Chief Court's decision and mercy appeal

On 22 August 1927 the Chief Court endorsed the original judgement with an exception of one or two punishments. A mercy appeal was filed in due course before the Provincial Governor of U.P. by the members of legislative council which was dismissed. Bismil wrote a letter to Pt. Madan Mohan Malviya on 9 September 1927 from the Gorakhpur Jail.

Madan Mohan Malviya's joint memorendum

Malviya sent a memorandum to the then Viceroy and Governor General of India Edward Fredrick Lindley Wood with the signatures of 78 Members of Central Legislature, which was also turned down. On 16 September 1927 the final mercy appeal was forwarded to Privy Council at London and to the King Emperor through a famous lawyer of England S.L. Polak but the British Government, who had already decided to hang them, sent their final decision to the India office of Viceroy that all the four condemned prisoners are now to be hanged till death by 19 December 1927 positively.

Final execution

In an 18-month long drawn case, Ram Prasad Bismil, Ashfaqulla Khan, Thakur Roshan Singh and Rajendra Nath Lahiri were sentenced to death under section 121(A), 120(B), 302 and 396 of Indian Penal Code. Bismil was hanged by the British authorities on 19 December 1927 in the morning at Gorakhpur Jail, Ashfaqulla Khan at the Faizabad Jail and Thakur Roshan Singh at Naini Allahabad Jail whereas fourth Rajendra Nath Lahiri was hanged on 17 December 1927 (two days before the scheduled date) at Gonda Jail; all located in the present Indian state of Uttar Pradesh.

End of the play

On 19 December 1927 Bismil woke up at 3.30 a.m. as usual in the morning, did his formal duties of daily routine, meditated for half an hour, bore new dhoti-kurta and sat in the waiting of his long awaited beloved death. At the appropriate time the Magistrate came along with the jailor, unlocked the condemned cell and asked Bismil to get ready. The Magistrate was austonished to see him smiling. Bismil rose up immediately and said - "Let us move!"

Last wish

He went cheerfully up to the gallows saying his last good bye to whomsoever met in the way. He stood up at the altar of gallows, kissed the noose and spoke very loudly his last wish - "I wish the downfall of British Empire!" Then he whispered the vedic prayer "Om vishvaani dev savitur duritaani paraasuv, yad bhadram tann aasuv." (en.O God of all creature! let the ill will be removed and the good prevail in our souls.) and put the noose around his neck like a garland.

The hangman pulled the lever of gallows and the body of Bismil hanged in the open air. For half an hour he was kept hanging to safeguard the certainty of death. In this way a daredevil son of Mother India departed for the common cause of every Indian's freedom.

Dead body's procession

Looking into the huge rush at the main gate of the jail authorities broke open the wall in front of gallows, the dead body was brought out and handed over to his parents Murlidhar and Moolmati. A huge rush of about 1.5 lakhs of people had gathered from all over the country. They took the dead body of their departed brother Ram Prasad and carried it to the bank of Rapti under a grand procession.

As seen in these pictures the prominent personalities like notable Hindi writer Mahavir Prasad Dwivedi founder editor of Kalyan Hanuman Prasad Poddar and politician Govind Ballabh Pant participated in the procession and remained there till the list rites cerimonials.

Last rites at Rajghat Gorakhpur

The dead body of Bismil was kept at Ghantaghar of Gorakhpur for the last view of the public in the City. From there it was taken to the Rapti river where the last funeral of this great martyr was performed under the proper Vedic Cremation System on the bank of the river. The place, where the ritual obligations of Bismil were done, was named by public as Rajghat. A new Transport Nagar has been developed in the side bye area of this place. A Rajghat police station has also been established there to commemorate the historical place.

Books of Bismil released in his centenary year

Bismil was born in 1897 and was hanged by the cruel British Empire in 1927, thus he lived a very short life of 30 years. Out of this 30 year, he dedicated 11 years of his valuable life in the selfless service of his fellow countrymen to make their life better. He wrote so many books but only 11 books could be published. All of these books were proscribed by the British Raj. Only few of them were kept hidden in the rare and old libraries.

Atal Bihari Vajpayee speaks on the occasion

A freelancer research scholar 'Krant' M.L. Verma tried to bring out these books and the success came to his hands when he could search five books and almost 200 poems written by Bismil. A Delhi-based publisher Praveen Prakashan published the research work in four volumes under a title of Sarfaroshi Ki Tamanna. The books of Bismil were released on the eve of Bismil Centenary Year, i.e., 19 December 1996 (since he was martyred on 19 December 1897) by former Prime Minister of India, Atal Bihari Vajpayee. Speaking on the occasion Vajpayee said that we have not done justice with the revolutionaries who had given everything of their life for our betterment. The excessive propagada of non-violence has also spoiled the contribution of revolutionaries in the Indian Independence Movement. If Bismil had not taken the immediate initiative after 1922's Chauri Chaura incident and the Indian Navy had not revolt after Second World War in 1946, the Britishers would have never left India. He described the task of the author as a monumental work.

RSS chief attends the event

Prof. Rajendra Singh alias Rajju Bhaiya the then Sarsanghchalak (en. paramount leader of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh), who has also written the foreword of this book, spoke on the occasion that Bismil was the man who patronised the Aryan race and led the national revolution in freedom movement of India. Reviewing the books of Bismil, Indian journalist Ved Pratap Vaidik said that Urdu poetry of Bismil was parallel to the Ghalib. His literary evaluation requires a serious attention from the critics.

Statue of Bismil

Shaheed Smarak Samiti of Shahjahanpur established a memorial at Khirni Bagh mohalla of Shahjahanpur city where Bismil was born in 1897 and named it "Amar Shaheed Ram Prasad Bismil Smarak". A statue made of white marble was inaugurated by the then Governor of Uttar Pradesh Motilal Vora on 19 December 1994 on the 68th martyr's day of Bismil.

Literary works

Bismil was known for his inspiring poems that acted as motivation for his fellow revolutionaries. Among them, Sarfaroshi Ki Tamanna is the most well-known. Previously it was unknown whether Bismil actually wrote it or any other, as some progressive writers attributed it to Bismil Azimabadi, but now this miserable episode is over; because a number of research books are available in the libraries to verify the encyclopedic contents. An image of original and rare photo of Ram Prasad Bismil can also be seen hereinabove as well as in Hindi Wikipedia.

Turkish city named after Bismil

Like Ram Prasad Bismil, Ghazi Mustafa Kemal Pasha alias Kemal Ataturk was also a revolutionary writer and freedom fighter who became the first President of Turkey. Bismil had written an article in the Hindi magazine Prabha about him under the title Vijayee Kemal Pasha (en. Victorious Kemal Pasha) in November 1922. Later too, Bismil appraised Kemal Pasha in his Autobiography written from the gallows of Gorakhpur jail before his death. In order to pay respect to Bismil, Kemal Ataturk established a district in Diyarbakir state of Turkey in 1936 and named it "Bismil" after the pen name of this fierce fighter of freedom and patriotic poet of India.

Ram Prasad Bismil's Works:

1. Sarfaroshi Ki Tamanna (Part 1): Critical study of Bismil's personality and his literary work.

2. Sarfaroshi Ki Tamanna (Part 2): About 200 proscribed poems of Bismil with reference and grammatical appreciation.

3. Sarfaroshi Ki Tamanna (Part 3): four books of Bismil viz. Nij Jeevan Ek Chhata (original autobiography), America Ki Swatantrata Ka Itihas (Proscribed), Yogik Sadhan (Translation from Bengla into Hindi) & Catherine - Swadhinta Ki Devi (Translation from English into Hindi).

4. Sarfaroshi Ki Tamanna (Part 4): One book Krantikari Jeevan and some Articles of Bismil published in various news papers & periodicals.

5. Krantikari Bismil Aur Unki Shayari: Some famous Urdu poems of Bismil along with its Hindi translation.

6. Man Ki Lahar: Collection of poems proscribed in British period.

7. Bolshevikon Ki Kartoot: A revolutionary noble on Bolshevism.

8. Kranti Geetanjali: Collection of outstanding poems of Bismil proscribed in British India.