Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay birth anniversary

Through his writings, this man breathed a new passion and life into an entire civilisation, particularly his native region of Bengal, which became kindled with religious, nationalistic and artistic fervour after being infused with the powerful visions contained in his writings.

Born on 27 June 1838 in the Kantalpara district of Bengal, the first striking event we have of his life was that he mastered the alphabet as a child in a single sitting. This was an image and prophecy for the rest of his life.

Apart from the breathtaking legacy of his literary works – his life was quite “normal” and not in any way out of the ordinary. He was a man who never clamoured for place or power, but did his work in silence for the love of his work, even as nature does. And just because he had no aim but to give out the best that was in him to his people, he was able to create a language, a literature, a freedom struggle, and steer the course of history.

Bankim was 19 years of age when India’s First War of independence (known in the west as the “Sepoy Mutiny”) was waged. The following year (1858) India had lost the war. Bankim was finishing his studies at the time, and in that same year graduated from the University of Calcutta. The British authorities immediately appointed him to the post of Deputy Magistrate.

Young Bankim had suffered a shock in seeing the failure of India’s War of Independence. He could not rest until he knew why the great movement for liberation ended up being crushed in the manner in which it was, and that too with the help of many Indian’s themselves (most notably the Sikhs). In his effort to discover the causes of that failure he set his sharp intellect to the task of analysing the great problems that India was facing. Influenced and inspired by three great figures of that epoch, Raja Rammohan Roy, Iswarchandra Vidyasagar and Rani Lakshmibai of Jhansi (the Hindu queen who led her soldiers against the British during the war) – he soon recognised the existence of a number of startling facts.

Foremost among these was that the people of India were fast becoming denationalised by English manners and customs, English fashions, and English whiskies and wines – not to mention the Christian missionaries (who had made Bengal their storm centre). The British government used their educational system to further this agenda (after abolishing and outlawing the traditional Indian education systems). Chatterji’s soul winced when he perceived that the Indian who spoke good English was more honoured by his own people than the man who spoke and wrote their own tongue exquisitely. Wherever he looked, he saw educated Indians jumping frantically on the bandwagon of British culture.

From the moment he had first learned to think for himself, Bankim realised that there was a titanic struggle ahead to reverse the trend and bring physical and cultural freedom to the sacred motherland. He felt that he had his own divinely ordained effort to make in this veritable battle – which he played silently and humbly. If India was to be uplifted, her children must once again create literature and language dynamic and inspiring to enlighten and inspire the entire people of India.

Soon, the profound effect of Chatterji’s novels and essays, with their compelling beauty, subtle humour and inspiring themes could be seen, firstly in Bengal and then spilling over into greater India. Indians who were nurtured on Shakespeare, Milton and Shelley began to read the works of Kalidas, Bhavabhuti, Chandidas and Vidyapula. They turned eagerly to the Puranas, Upanishads and the Bhagavad Gita. Whereas before, elite Indians took pride in their knowledge of the Magna Carta strugle, the times of Oliver Cromwell and the tragedy of Charles the First, they began to relish the ballads of Rajasthan and Maharashtra. A new feeling was born. Millions began to hold their heads high once again and talk in terms of “our language”, “our literature”, “our history”, “our country”.

His Literary History

Bankim began his literary career with a desire to write in English, and wrote a novel called Rammohan’s Wife.” He at once realised his mistake with the realisation that the his work was much more natural and powerful in his own mother tongue.

The major novels he wrote were: Chandrashekhar, Kishna Kanta’s Will, Debi Chaudhurani, Sitaram, Indira, Kamal Kanta and Anandamath.

The last of these, Anandamath deserves special mention here. It wasn’t necessarily the best of Bankim Chandra’s works, though still great in its own right. Yet because of its astonishing political consequences, with no other of his works is Bankim so closely identified.

The Anandamath story is set in 18th century India, when a group of warrior sannyasis mounted a guerilla war against Muslim rule (based on a true historical attempt by sannyasis to do precisely this). It was a riveting story line with amazing characters and meaningful dialogues. Yet more importantly, hundreds of thousands of Indians (primarily Hindus) took the story as a metaphor for their own present day situation, understanding it as a call to arms to drive the new tyrants (the British) away from the sacred soil. Indeed, the main revolutionary group in Bengal chose its name as that of the sannyasin group from Anandamath. The most important and widely known section of this book was the poem “Vande Mataram” which means “Hail to the Mother(land)”. The song became the battle cry for India’s freedom struggle. It was set to become India’s National Anthem, but was rejected because a section of Muslims considered the song as idolatrous due to its metaphor comparing India to the tiger-borne Goddess Durga “with instruments of punishment in each of her ten hands”. To placate the Muslims (and Jawahalal Nehru) the constituent assembly rejected it as the National Anthem. Incidentally, Rabindranath Tagore, the great poet whose “Jana Gana” eventually became India’s National Anthem had stated on several occasions that he desired very much that Bankim Chandra’s “Vande Mataram” should become the National Anthem of free India. For example, in 1928, he said in an interview with Mulk Raj Ananda “I share his ideas of inheriting the past – if made relevant for the present! Bankim Chandra is our master in this respect. In our school here, students sing “Bande Mataram” every morning…..I hope it becomes the national anthem of free India!”

Bankim Chandra’s Anandamath demonstrated the most powerful example in modern history of how art can affect real life to a tremendous extent – especially in an artistically orientated civilisation like that of the Hindus.

Towards the end of his life, Bankim Chandra turned his attention to write about spirituality – the very essence of Hindu civilisation. A Life of Krishna and a book on the Essence of Religion, a rendering of the Bhagavad Gita and a commentary on the Vedas were his aims to give to his fellow countrymen. The first two he managed to complete, and the rendering of the Bhagavad Gita was three parts finished, but the commentary on the Vedas, which should have been a priceless possession, never got into the stage of execution. Death, in whose shadow he had so long dwelt, with his ailing health, took the pen from his hand before he could accomplish this feat. Yet his contributions to literature are enough to immortalise his memory.

Vande Mataram!

Indians, why 25th June, 1975 was called the darkest day in the history of democratic India?

PART: 1

25 June 1975 will go down in the history of the Indian Republic as a most infamous day and a black day when the then Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi who headed the Congress Party as its dynastic head imposed an 'Internal Emergency' in India for reasons which had no bearing to the internal security of the country.

The Emergency was declared by PM Indira Gandhi to suppress the widespread political unrest and agitation generated by her refusal to submit to her unseating from power in a judgment by the Allahabad High Court on an election petition charging her with electoral corruption in her Lok Sabha General Elections . Rather than to submit gracefully to the verdict given in the Court judgment the Congress Prime Minister by political subterfuge decided to continue in office.

The political agitation against the Congress PM was not led by any run of the mill Opposition political party leader. It was led by one of India's most venerated Gandhian and Sarvodaya leader Shri Jaya Prakash Narayan who stood for high moral values ​​in political office and political life. He was a freedom fighter of Indira Gandhi's father's generation and he could have assumed a high political appointment after Independence. But seeing the emerging trends in the closing stages of India's freedom movement he opted to be a crusader for morality in public life and of India's political leaders.

The Emergency was declared post-midnight with Congress PM Indira Gandhi virtually forcing a pliant President Fakhruddin Ahmad to sign the Proclamation imposing the Internal Emergency. Placed in office as a pliant President, by Indira Gandhi, he did not even question the reasons from the Prime Minister for such a grave measure.

Overnight, hundreds of political Opposition leaders and activists were arrested and put in jails all over India. The Indian media was strangled and put under stringent censorship. Human rights and freedoms were brutally suppressed by the Indira Gandhi regime. India's Supreme Court judiciary was interfered with. Some reports indicate that as many as eighteen Supreme Court judges were changed including a Chief Justice. There was talk of a committed judiciary. Even from within the Congress Party, the Young Turks MP's led by later PM Chandra Shekhar were also put behind bars for questioning Indira Gandhi's policies earlier.

Pliant bureaucrats were positioned in important appointments and were given sweeping powers to stifle all opposition to the Government and they really went on a rampage. Some of them occupy high Constitutional positions today under the present Congress Government.

The Indian democracy stood subverted by Congress Party Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and India was to be under a draconian siege till the 1977 General Elections. Till then the unquestioned writ of Indira Gandhi and her younger son, Sanjay Gandhi as an unconstitutional power centre plagued India. The Emergency imposition was to impose a 'shock and awe' effect on the Indian polity and the Indian public for their temerity to agitate against the existing political set-up.

In a manner of speaking the Emergency rule in India imposed by Congress Party Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was no different from the military dictatorship regimes of Pakistan.

It was ironic that an Emergency was imposed in India for reasons of political survival by the daughter of India's most admired democrat and Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru. It was more tragic that Indira Gandhi who also joined the freedom struggle for India's freedom struggle alongside her father should in 1977 stoop to suppress the very same freedoms and democracy that were fought for in order to continue as Prime Minister. The self-proclaimed high political morality of the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty stood compromised.

It was also ironic that the vast majority of Congress Party political leaders with the exception of the Young Turks did not raise even a whimper of protest against their dynastic political leader for the subversion of democracy. They supinely went along and many of the senior Congress Party leaders stooped low even to touch the feet of the young dynastic heir apparent.

Another 25 June came and went past without India even pausing to recall this infamous black day thirty two years ago. The Congress Party could not be expected to recall the political misdeed of an earlier dynastic head. The Bharatiya Janata Party which fought against the Emergency in its earlier avatar as the Jan Singh seems to be politically frozen today by political inertia. This was an occasion which should have been highlighted on a massive scale by it all over India. It was only in the Punjab Legislative Assembly that Chief Minister Prakash Singh Badal made special mention of the excesses of the Emergency despite vehement protests by Congress MLA's. Many would not know that the Akalis under the leadership of Badal spearheaded a massive protest against the Emergency rule. More than 40,000 Akali workers were put in jails.

The bulk of the Indian media controlled by industrial houses close to the ruling Congress Party, did not highlight this infamous day. If for nothing else they could have emphasized that India's democracy should never be allowed to be subverted by self-seeking politicians.

Congress Prime Minister Indira Gandhi Imposes Internal Emergency

Against such a background, the only redeeming feature that strikes the mind is that the people of India did no hesitate to strike back in 1977 against Congress Party Prime Minister Indira Gandhi for her subversion of democracy and the Emergency excesses. They unseated her from power. Though she came back to power again, not because of any new found political popularity but because of the internal squabbles of the Janata Party, politically the things were never the same again for her. Her image took a dive.

In this lie many lessons for the India of today stretching from attempts to put into Rashtrapati Bhavan once again a pliant political non-entity as President by the Congress Party President, to the questioning of Supreme Court judgments on unconstitutional legislation passed by the Parliament by political leaders and contriving dubious legislative measures to perpetuate in office those unseated as happened in the Office of Profit controversy.

India's middle class in1977 was small and yet they along with the rest of India unseated Indira Gandhi for her political transgressions and subversion of democracy. Today India's burgeoning middle class is over 300 million strong and they must politically empower themselves not only to correct the distorted electoral arithmetic imposed by casteist political leaders and custodians of minority vote banks, but also to act forcefully as sentinels of Indian democracy.

Never again should the people of India ever allow another Internal Emergency to be imposed on India by self-seeking Indian politicians, however charismatic. It is well said that 'Eternal Vigilance is the Price of Liberty' and every Indian citizen should be alive to it.

24-Jun-2014

Emergency: The Darkest Period in Indian Democracy

PART: 2

April 28th 1976 is remembered as a black day in the history of Indian democracy. The very foundations of democracy were murdered on this day when the Supreme Court pronounced its judgment in ADM Jabalpur Vs Shukla. The decision of Supreme Court in ADMJabalpuer Vs shukla had greatly disappointed the Indians who loved the pledges of justice and liberty incorporated in the preamble of our constitution.

FACTS OF THE CASE

The germs of this case were to be found in the election of Mrs Indira Gandhi (the then prime minster of India) which had been held to be invalid by the Allahabad High Court. In her desire to stick to the chair of prime minster she chose to declare a national emergency on 25th June 1975 on the ground of 'internal threat' to the security of India. As a result of the emergency censorship was imposed on the press on 25th June 1975 itself. On 5th August 1975, Maintenance of Internal Security Act (MISA) was approved by the parliament and a number of opposition leaders were detained under this law. Any person who was considered to be a political threat or who could raise the voice of opposition was detained without trial under the MISA. According to Amnesty International, 1, 40,000 persons were arrested without trial during the emergency period. Many of the detained persons challenged their arrest through writs before the High Courts under Article 226 of the constitution of India. As a result of these writs the state governments in many of the High court's raised the issue that, whether such writs were maintainable on the ground that under the presidential order declaring emergency the right to file such writ was taken away. All the High court's declared that despite the suspension of fundamental right of a detained person, he could show that his detention was not in accordance with the law under which he was detained or that there was a mistake of identity.

The government being unsatisfied with this decision appealed to the Supreme Court and thus the most controversial case of ADM Jabalpur Vs Shukla came before the Supreme Court for hearing.

The then attorney general Niren De contended that the writ petitions would necessarily be dismissed since the right to move any court had been suspended and the detenue had no locus standi.

ISSUE

The main issue before the Supreme Court in this case was: -

Whether the high courts can entertain a writ of habeas corpus filed by a person challenging his detention, during the emergency period?

DECISION OF SUPREME COURT

"In view of the presidential order dated 27th June 1975 no person has any locus standi to move any writ petition under Article 226 before a high court for habeas corpus or any other writ or order or direction to challenge the legality of an order of detention on the ground that the order is not under or in compliance with the Act or is illegal or is vitiated by mala fides factual or legal or is based on extraneous grounds ".

This was the judgment delivered by four senior, most judges of the Supreme Court including chief justice ANRay. The dissenting judgment was that of justice HRKhanna. His contentions were opposed to that of the majority judgment. Justice Khanna made a significant quote in his judgment which runs as follows: -

"As observed by CJ, Huges, judges were not there simply to decide cases, but to decide them as they think they should be decided, and while it may be regrettable that they cannot always agree, it is better that their independence should be maintained and recognized than that unanimity should be secured through its sacrifice. A dissent in a court of last resort, to use his words, is an appeal to the brooding spirit of the law, to the intelligence of a future day, when a later decision may possibly correct the error into which the dissenting judge believes the court to have been betrayed ".

CRITICAL ANALYSIS

The chief reason behind the filing of this writ petition was the political unrest during that period. Opponents had long made allegations that the congress party had taken recourse to electoral frauds to win the 1971 election. Cases of election fraud and misuse of state machinery for election purposes were lodged in the Allahabad High Court against Indira Gandhi by Raj Narain who had been defeated in the parliamentary election by Indira Gandhi. The Allahabad High Court in its judgment declared Indira Gandhi's election as void and also unseated her from the Lok Sabha. This decision in course of time became the primary reason for the imposition of the 1975 emergency.

On 26th sept. 1975, the 39th amendment to the constitution was made so as to place the election of prime minster beyond the judicial scrutiny. This was an intelligent step by Indira Gandhi to safeguard her seat.

A close study of the facts behind the filing of this writ petition reveals that it was in fact a case for assertion of political powers by one party over the other.

Further during 1975, another National emergency was also in operation on the ground of war with Pakistan. But before the imposition of national emergency on 1975 an amendment was made and a new provision was added in the constitution which provided for imposition of more than one national emergency under Article 352 at the same time. This was done to overcome any legal difficulty which may arise from the simultaneous operation of two national emergencies at the same time. This was in fact another intelligent step by Mrs Indira Gandhi to legalize the imposition of 1975 emergency.

As a matter of fact it is evident that the majority judgment of Supreme Court in ADM Jabalpur Vs Shukla is to a great extent influenced by the political circumstances prevailing at that time. The supreme court even refused to follow the ruling in Makhan Singh Vs state of Punjab (1964) wherein the supreme court had pointed out that if a detenue challenged his detention on the ground that it violated statutory provision or the detention is vitiated by mala fides the challenge could not be barred because of the presidential order under Article 359 (1),

However, the lone dissenting voice of justice Khanna was paid due respect in the year 1978 when the constitution 44th amendment Act was passed. Justice Khanna had paid the price for his dissent. He was supposed to be the next chief justice of India but unfortunately he had to resign before he could become the chief justice of India.

Before the 44th amendment the national emergency provision under Article 352 (1) was as follows: - 'the president can proclaim emergency when he is satisfied that a grave emergency exists whereby the security of India or any part of the territory thereof is threatened by ( a) war; or (b) external aggression; or (c) internal disturbances'

The words "internal disturbances" was in fact responsible for the successful imposition of the 1975 emergency. The words "internal disturbance" is a vague one and it is difficult to ascertain the situations covered under this words. However the 44th amendment to the constitution has substituted the words "armed rebellion" for the words "internal disturbances" and thereby narrowed the scope of emergency situations.

The constitution 44th amendment Act has a great significance in the Indian legal history. It has made the proclamation of emergency under Article 352 (1) so complex that after 1975 no emergency has been proclaimed till today under Article 352 (1). The 44th amendment has placed a number of significant safeguards to check the misuse of Article 352 (1) in future.

Thus in conclusion it is clear that the 1975 national emergency was a pre planned drama of the Indira Gandhi govt. in order to secure certain political objectives.

The 12 things to expect from @arunjaitley's 10 July budget

When governments change, priorities change. However, Union budgets prepared immediately after a general election tend to be large on announcements about change rather than real changes in allocations and priorities. This is because there is very little time between election results and budget day to be able to comprehensively change the contours completely.

This time, the election results came on 16 May, and the formation of the central government took another 10 days as this was the first time a sitting state Chief Minister was elected Prime Minister. The delays related to the need for Narendra Modi to hand over power in Gujarat smoothly before moving to Delhi.

Moreover, when the political order changes, as in this general election, the new ministers would not have had the time to familiarise themselves with their own ministries before dealing with the finance ministry on the budget.

The net result is the previous interim budget tends to be the guiding document, with the big changes being largely cosmetic in nature or about things to come in future.

Will the 10 July budget be any different? Will it be more or less what P Chidambaram presented on 17 February (the interim budget), with only the medium-term policy goals being different, and the budget proposals largely remaining tweaked versions of the last UPA budget?

These are what I would expect in the budget to be presented by Arun Jaitley on 10 July:

#1: Marginal changes in the minimum tax-free bracket (Rs 2 lakh now) to reflect higher inflation.

#2: Some changes and increases in the 80C savings limit to boost savings.

#3: Special tax breaks for industry to start investing, including possible quicker depreciation.

#4: Scrapping of some centrally-sponsored schemes and transfer of the resources to states – which will be explained as a push to greater state autonomy.

#5: A restatement of Chidambaram’s fiscal deficit numbers so that the burden of lowering it this year is eased.

#6: A higher disinvestment target than what Chidambaram proposed, thanks to a more buoyant market.

#7: Very few changes to indirect taxes – both excise and customs.

#8: A new deadline for the implementation of the goods and services tax (GST), probably around mid-2015 or 1 April 2016.

#9: Announcement of a new Direct Taxes Code effective from 1 April 2015 – with details to come later.

#10: Higher allocations to education, skill-building, health, and urban schemes. All of Modi’s pet projects – toilets, rural housing, roads, special manufacturing zones - will find a mention in terms of intent, and there will be token allocations, but nothing major. The money and actual details will come later

#11: Possible announcement of a changed, reduced, role for the Planning Commission, with the finance ministry itself being the nodal agency for dealing with state plan outlay. Maybe, even a scrapping of the 12th plan, with focus shifting to annual plans. The distinction between plan and non-plan outlays may be given up, and revenue and capital spending being the only distinction.

#12: NREGA and Land Bills will be tweaked to make them more pro-growth, pro-infrastructure development.

But the bottomline is not much money will be shown for all the pet NDA schemes. In short, the Jaitley budget will probably draw on Chidambaram’s underlying budget because he has had no time to overhaul it.

Over the last 23 years, from 1991 to now, we have seen big changes in the political orientation of new governments in 1991, 1996, 1998, 2004 - and now. But barring 1991, when within a month after the elections Narasimha Rao and Manmohan Singh simply changed the entire direction of the Indian economy – with external bankruptcy concentrating minds wonderfully – no new government has really managed to do all that it wanted to in its very first budget. There is simply too little time.

The hiking of railway fares and freight hikes last week – which was a UPA government proposal – further confirms to us that NDA’s first budget math will not be too different from that of the UPA.

In 2004, when UPA-1 replaced Vajpayee’s NDA, Chidambaram as finance minister paid lip-service to the National Common Minimum Programme (NCMP) agreed between the Congress, the Left and other alliance parties. But the budget made very few sweeping changes in its first attempt: the big changes related to just one or two areas, and not the whole budget.

Chidambaram changed very little on direct taxes, and the key changes related to the introduction of securities transaction tax (STT) on stock exchange transactions and the abolition of long-term capital gains tax. An education cess of 2 percent on all taxes was also introduced for the first time.

Chidambaram explained why he was not making big changes in his budget speech of 8 July 2008: “The government has to shift gears; and even if we are able to do so quickly, it would leave us only about six months to achieve our objectives for this year. We have, therefore, decided to adopt an innovative approach. The Planning Commission has advised the ministries and departments to redefine their priorities and redraw their programmes in accordance with the NCMP. Besides, new programmes or schemes may have to be launched, and old ones restructured. Under the circumstances, it was considered optimal to allow the ongoing programmes to continue until the Planning Commission completes an exhaustive review and reorients the expenditure pattern to conform to the NCMP objectives.”

Chidambaram’s "innovation" was simply to buy time.

On direct taxes, he simply shifted the changes to the next budget. “I am a votary of tax reforms but it would be unwise on my part to attempt to do tax reform in a hurried or piece-meal manner. Seven months from now there will be another Budget, and there will be an occasion to visit the subject of tax reform.”

So, given the short time available, Jaitley is more than likely to do what Chidambaram did in 2004. Make big announcements in directional change, but make only small changes in the actual budget numbers.

SYAMA PRASAD MOOKERJEE (1901-1953)

FOUNDER OF THE BHARATIYA JANA SANGH

The BJP is the successor party of the BJS, which merged itself into the Janata Party in 1977. The BJP was formed as a separate party in 1980 after internal differences in the Janata Party resulted in the collapse of it's government in 1979.

A BRIEF LIFE

Dr. Mookerjee's mother Jogmaya Debi exclaimed, on hearing of her son's death.
"Proudly do I feel that the loss of my son is a loss to Mother India !"

Born on 6th July 1901 in a famous family. His father Sir Asutosh was widely known in Bengal. Graduated from Calcutta University he became a fellow of the Senate in 1923. He enrolled as an advocate in Calcutta High Court in 1924 after his father's death. Subsequently he left for England in 1926 to study in Lincoln's Inn and became a barrister in 1927. At the age of 33, he became the world's youngest Vice-Chancellor of the Calcutta University and held the office till 1938. During his tenure, he introduced a number of constructive reforms and was active in Asiatic Society of Calcutta as well as was a member of the Court and the Council of the Indian Institute of Science, Bangalore and Chairman of the Inter-University of Board.

He was elected as member of the Legislative Council of Bengal as a Congress candidate representing Calcutta University but resigned next year when Congress decided to boycott the legislature. Subsequently, he contested the election as an independent and got elected.

He became the opposition leader when Krishak Praja Party - Muslim League coalition was in power 1937-41 and joined the Progressive Coalition Ministry headed by Fazlul Haq as a Finance Minister and within less than an year resigned. He emerged as a spokesman for Hindus and shortly joined Hindu Mahasabha and in 1944, he became the President.

After the assassination of Gandhiji, he wanted the Hindu Mahasabha not to be restricted to Hindus alone or work as apolitical body for the service of masses and broke away from it on this issue on November 23, 1948.

Pandit Nehru inducted him in the Interim Central Government as a Minister for Industry and supply. On issue of Delhi pact with Likayat Ali Khan, Mookerjee resigned from the Cabinet on 6th April 1950. After consultation with Shri Golwalkar Guruji of RSS Shri Mookerjee founded Bharatiya Jana Sangh on 21st Oct. 1951 at Delhi and he became the first President of it. In 1952 elections, Bharatiya Jana Sangh won 3 seats in Parliament one of them being that of Shri Mookerjee. He had formed National Democratic Party within the Parliament which consisted 32 members of MPs and 10 of Members of Rajya Sabha which however was not recognised by the speaker as an opposition party.

To voice his opposition he turned outside Parliament and on Kashmir he termed the arrangement under Article 370 as Balkanisation of India and three nation theory of Shaikh Abdullah. Bharatiya Jana Sangh along with Hindu Mahasabha and Ram Rajya Parishad launched a massive Satyagraha to get removed the pernicious provisions. Mookerjee went to visit Kashmir in 1953 and was arrested on 11th May while crossing border. He died as detenu on June 23, 1953.

A veteran politician, he was respected by his friends and foes alike for his knowledge and forthrightness. He outshined all other Ministers in the cabinet except perhaps Pandit Nehru by his erudition and culture. India lost a great son at a very early stage of Independence.

Happy World Music Day

Since 1982, every year on June 21 – the day of the summer solstice, amateur and professional musicians come together to celebrate the Fête de la Musique or the World Music Day. For already several years, Yerevan has joined 460 cities in the world, which on this day welcome in their streets and parks musicians and bands already loved by the public, as well as those who are still to become famous.

This year once again the Embassy of France in Armenia, RA Ministry of Culture and Orange Armenia have joined their efforts to celebrate the Day, the press service of Orange Armenia reports.

Valuing the songs authored by professional singers and beginner artists, on June 21 Orange will organize concerts in the Lovers’ Park in Yerevan (from 7pm) and in Charles Aznavour Square (from 3pm), providing an opportunity to enjoy live performances of celebrated bands, such as The Beautified Project, The Band, The Manuscript, The Windrose, as well as bards. Already for the second year, the Embassy of France in Armenia will organize an event (at 8pm) in the Round Hall of the Embassy under the title “A walk through France”, dedicated to the French chanson and music. During the event songs representing the French culture, cities and landscapes, as well as French people will be performed. On the initiative of RA Ministry of Culture, a variety show will be organized in the Victory Park, featuring performance of the students of the State Collage of Jazz; a number of concert will as well be held in the regions.

The Fête de la Musique was originated by the French Ministry of Culture in 1982. The idea of having such a Day first appeared when a study on the cultural habits of the French revealed that five million people, i.e., one young person out of two, played a musical instrument. These results inspired the French Minister of Culture of that time to think of ways to provide these people with the possibility to express their talents on the streets.

Within 15 years, the Fête de la Musique has spread to more than 100 countries in 5 continents.

10 facts to know about Jashodaben, wife of Prime Minister of India (@PMOIndia)

The relationship status of Prime Minister Narendra Modi was always a matter of intense media speculation before 2014 parliamentary elections. Before 2014 Lok Sabha elections, the relationship status of Narendra Modi was not clear.   Since he was a RSS pracharak in the past, many people believed that Modi was single as was the practice in RSS for its pracharakas. 

It was in 2009 that the ‘open’ magazine did a story on ‘Jashodaben’ claiming her to be the wife of the then Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi. Narendra Modi’s silence on the topic gave credence to the story but the status of Narendra Modi was still not clear. Narendra Modi publically accepted his married status for the first time while filing his nomination papers from Vadodara Lok Sabha constituency. 

Before 2014 Lok Sabha elections, Modi used to mark the space with a short dash where a candidate had to mention whether he was married or not.  Actually it was not mandatory earlier but  it was made mandatory by a SC judgement and subsequent order by the Election Commission  in September 2013, for all candidates to provide all the information that was sought from them in the  prescribed format of the  affidavit. 

Since Modi was left with no option, he publically accepted in his affidavit while filing nomination papers from Vadodara Lok Sabha constituency that he was married and his wife’s name was Jashodaben although he made it clear that he had no other details available with him about his wife. The moment Modi filed his affidavit, his wife Jashodaben became a household name.  Modi was criticized by his opponents  for concealing his marital status but it was a moment of joy for Jashodaben- the forgotten wife of Narendra Modi.

11.       Jashodaben married Narendra Modi when she was 17 and Modi was 18. Jashodaben separated from Narendra Modi within three years of marriage as Modi had bigger things to do.  

It came as a shock to Jshodaben but she accepted it as part of her destiny. Even today Jashodaben blames it on her destiny and says that Modi was destined to serve the nation and that’s why he left the home.

After Modi left him, Jashodaben decided to remain single for rest of her life and even today she expects Narendra Modi to invite her to stay with him at 7 race Course Road..

22.      Jashodaben, now 62 years old, is a retired school teacher and gets a monthly pension of Rs 14,000. Jashodaben lives mostly with his brother and spends much of her time in prayer.

According to Jashodaben, she feels lucky that she has got dependable brothers who have supported her whole heartedly throughout her life. 

Jashodaben had quit studies once she went to Modi’s place although Modi wanted her  to pursue education. 

Inspired by Modi’s wish,  Jashodaben  pursued her Primary Teachers Training (PTC) course and got a job.

Even today, Jashodaben fondly remembers Modi taking keen interest in talking to her and even in the affairs of the kitchen.

33.        Jashodaben’s marriage with Modi  lasted for three years but according to Jashodaben, they were not together for more than three months.

Jashodaben conceded the fact that she and Modi parted ways on positive note and there were never any fights between them. Once they parted ways, they were not in touch. 

Jashodaben tracks all the news relating to Narendra Modi . She also watches Television for tracking news related to Modi and she loves to read everything about him.

"Jashoda would read and watch every bit of news about Narenbhai. Despite being abandoned, Jashoda never spoke ill of him. That is a true Indian woman for you," Vasanti, sister of Narendra Modi, told a leading newspaper.

44.        When Narendra Modi told Jashodaben that he would be leaving home and moving around the country, Jashodaben asked Modi  to take her along with him. 

When Jashodaben would visit her in-law’s place, Modi would not be present and gradually he stopped visiting his home.

As Modi got busy with his RSS work and stopped coming to his home, jashodaben too stopped going there after a point and she went back to her father’s house.

Jashodaben does not feel bad about Modi having abandoned her because she feels it’s all because of her destiny. She believes that Modi did this because of her destiny and bad times.

55.       Jashodaben faced lots of difficulties in her life after Modi left home although her in-laws always treated her well. 

Jashodaben’s father supported her when she wanted to pursue education and he paid the fees for her studies. Even her brothers supported her financially so that she could complete her studies without any problem. 

Jashodaben lost her parents by the time she was in class 10. However, she continued with her education and did her SSC in 1974. She completed her teachers training in 1976 and became a teacher in 1978. Jashodaben charted her own course after Modi moved away from her life. 

66.        Jashodaben has fond memories her interactions with Modi in the past. She admits that she has moved forward in life because of Modi and that they both interfered in each other’s lives. 

A nostalgic Jashodaben told a leading publication, “Once I had come to meet him with Hiraba (Modi’s mother) at the RSS shakha in Vadnagar. He had hurt his hand and I put medicine on it. Another time he had acted in a play called ‘Ek Phool, Do Maali’, which I went for. After the play got over, I told him he was very good in it. If it is in my fate that we are meant to be together then we will be. I have also moved forward in life because of him. I have never interfered in his life and nor has he.”

77.      Jashodaben’s joy knew no boundaries after Narendra Modi win the race for 7, Race Course Road. 

An emotional  Jashodaben went on to say that she is  his wife and will always remain his wife and that she is proud of her husband. 

An excited Jashodaben told mediapersons, “Since it was made compulsory, he admitted to it. After so many years I felt good that he remembered me. I felt very happy on hearing this, why won’t I feel happy… He has never publicly said he was unmarried…. I am his wife and will always remain his wife. I am proud he is my husband. I have experienced the greatest joy that he is PM now. I will go and meet him when the time comes.”

88.        According to Jashodaben, she last spoke to Modi on January 1, 1987. From the core of her heart, Jashodaben still considers Modi as her husband.

Jashodaben never ever thought of marrying again after Modi moved away from his life. When asked to explain why she didn’t consider marrying again, Jashodaben told a publication - After this experience, I don’t think I want to. My heart is not into it.

Even his elder brother Ashok Modi says, “Jashodaben never stayed with Narendrakumar (Modi) after marriage and has led a life alone dedicated to spiritualism. But by heart she still considers Narendrakumar (Modi) as her husband. She had taken a pledge of not eating rice or any preparation made out of it till he (Modi) becomes a prime minister.”

99.       Jashodaben enjoyed teaching and taught classes from the first to fifth grade and taught all subjects.

She starts her day by 4 am and begins with prayers to Ambe Ma (Goddess Durga). She is deeply spiritual in personal life and spends all her time in prayer. 

She mostly lives with her elder brother Ashok Modi who lives in Unjha. She also keeps visiting her other brother Kamlesh who lives in Brahman Vada near Unjha.

Jashodaben is proud of her two brothers and believes that God has been kind to her for giving her two caring brothers. They never let her feel lonely in life. 

110.   2014 turned out to be a very happy year in Jashodaben’s life. In this year, Narendra Modi first accepted her as his wife and then he won a landslide victory for which Jashodaben had also prayed to the deities.  

Jashodaben was excited when Narendra Modi won a landslide victory in 2014 Lok Sabha elections. 

Jashodaben was also planning to attend the swearing-in ceremony of Narendra Modi , if invited.

“It is the happiest thing for me that he has become the prime minister. No invitation has reached me so far, but if I get one I will surely go, why would I not go.  If he calls me I will go. After all, it is my husband who is calling me and not someone else,” Jashodaben had told media.