Friday 8 August 2014

The Kakori (‪#‎KakoriConspiracy) train robbery


The Kakori train robbery (also called the ‪#‎KakoriConspiracy‬ or Kakori Case) was a train robbery that took place in Number 8 Down Train travelling from Shahjahanpur to Lucknow at Kakori, on August 9 1925 during the Indian Independence Movement against the British.

The Conspiracy was conceived by Ram Prasad Bismil and Ashfaqullah Khan.The robbery plan was attended by Swaran Singh (uncle of Bhagat Singh), Ram Prasad Bismil, Ashfaqulla Khan, RajendraLahiri, DurgaBhagavati Chandra Vohra (also known as DurgaBhabhi), Thakur Roshan Singh, SachindraBakshi, Chandrasekhar Azad, Vishnu SharanDublish, KeshabChakravarthy, BanwariLal, MukundiLal, SachindraNathSanyal, and Manmathnath Gupta.

It is believed that they looted that specific train because the train was supposed to carry the money-bags belonging to the British Government Treasury in the guard’s van.They looted only these bags while not a single Indian was looted. The main objective was to conduct an armed revolution against the British government.

Tuesday 5 August 2014

Madam Sonia said I had to be fixed : @knatwarsingh


Madam Sonia said I had to be fixed

Natwar Singh is most at home in his study, pulling out Jawaharlal Nehru's selected speeches and letters or pointing out a Nandlal Bose lithograph of Mahatma Gandhi during Dandi March. It is here, between his desk, his treadmill, his beloved Husains and photographs of him with world leaders from George W. Bush to Fidel Castro, that he has written many drafts of his autobiography, One Life is Not Enough. Seated in his favourite armchair, he tells Editor Kaveree Bamzai why he has written such a scathing account of Sonia Gandhi after eight-and-a-half years of silence.

Q. What did Rahul Gandhi mean when he said he was prepared to take any possible step to prevent his mother from becoming PM?

A. What would the extreme steps be according to your judgment?

Q. It has to involve some sort of violence. Or some sort of disclosure.

A. He was very worried. He said you know my grandmother was killed, my father was killed. And I expect that my mother will be killed in six months if she becomes prime minister. She couldn't go against what he said, and it made sense. I personally give him full marks for preventing his mother from taking up a job which could endanger her life.

Q. But if someone is so deeply antagonistic to the idea of power, how can he lead the Congress party?

A. They are two separate issues.

Q. Why?

A. This happened in 2004. He'd been in the Lok Sabha only two years, he was not the vice-president of the party, he had no position in the party. This was between mother and son. He put her life over power.

Q. But what was the extreme step? What could have shaken Sonia to such an extent that she was in tears as you described?

A. You know he's a very strong-minded person, Rahul. And he feels very strongly about, even if it means his own life.

Q. Are you suggesting that there was a threat that he may take his own life?

A. No, he didn't say so, but it was quite clear. That come what may, he would not let his mother risk her life.

Q. You believe this is why Sonia and Priyanka are so worried about the book?

A. Yes.



Q. This is the primary reason?
A. Yes, this is. Only three or four people know.

Q. If, as you say, it belongs to the past, why should it matter to them? It shows a son's loving concern for his mother.

A. This you must ask them

Q. But when Sonia and Priyanka came here, did they indicate why they didn't want the book published?

A. Around say, April 15 or 20, Suman Dubey, a good friend of mine and a very decent person, asked me for lunch. Then Priyanka rang up, 'Can I see you?' I said come tomorrow, have a cup of coffee.

So Priyanka came. She said 'my mother has sent me to talk to you about your book. What are you going to write?' Now this is tough. Because I've known the family since 1944. So I said 'you know facts are facts and the truth is sacred, so I'll have to do this'. I told Priyanka what the Congress and her mother had done to me for the last eight to 10 years. A little while later, Sonia came. I said no country in the world took note of the Volcker report except India. They set up a Pathak inquiry committee, which exonerated me: that there is no material to show that Shri Natwar Singh made any personal financial gain from the contracts. It should have ended here. It didn't. The hounding continued. She said she didn't know. So I said, 'Nobody is going to buy that. Nothing happens in the Congress without you knowing, not even a leaf stirs.' It was a very pleasant meeting and I was very nice.

Q. After she came here, which is May 7, did you notice a change in the attitude of Congressmen towards you?

A. A lot of people were interested. My brother-in-law Amarinder (Singh) and I were having lunch at The Oberoi and Digvijaya Singh came with his family and asked when is the book coming out. I used to sit with Sonia for hours every single day talking about every single thing under the sun, including Bill Clinton's affair with Monica Lewinsky. There was nothing that we didn't talk about. We were so close that there were certain things that she didn't tell even Priyanka and Rahul, but she told me. For her to come to my house, it was surrender.

Q. What do you expect from them once it comes out?

A. I don't know. They might go to court... I don't know. It doesn't bother me.

Q. The person who is possibly going to be most affected by this is Rahul. What is your relationship with him?

A. I've known him since he was a baby. But the age difference is so much.

Q. So it is with Priyanka.

A. But Priyanka, you know, I've seen more of her than I have of Rahul. For example, one day we were sitting in her mother's drawing room and she said, 'Has my mother told you that I'm expecting my second child?' And Rahul would walk in and say, 'Can you point out some defects in my grandfather?" And I would reply, 'It's tough, I hero-worship him.' It was only when the Volcker report came out that things changed. I was in Frankfurt when I saw the news that a Congress spokesperson has said Congress is clean but Natwar Singh should take care of himself. I was furious. I had expected that Sonia didn't know. They told her that he's so close to you, people will say you gave him the money. But there was no money. I don't know who got the money, I am not interested. Then the documents of the 70,000 pages that were obtained by Virendra Dayal were never shown to the Pathak committee. When I met Pathak, I asked him what's happened to these documents. He said it's a long story.

Q. Do you feel the money went to the Congress. Who in the Congress?

A. Nobody knows. If you look at the annexures of the Volcker report, it shows that the Congress party was mentioned through 1997. My name was added in March 2005. And the Volcker report was to inquire into the misdeeds of the officials of the UN, particularly the son of the secretary-general. Now they all got away and I had done nothing. Because Madam Sonia said I had to be fixed.

Q. What did you have to be fixed for?

A. You see, she is not used to being defied.

Q. What constituted your defiance?

A. I didn't go and see her. I didn't say I am very sorry, why are you angry with me, like everybody does.

Q. When you came back from Frankfurt in October 2005, didn't you see her?

A. I expected some communication saying 'tell me what's all this?' and I would have clarified. If you're looking at this in a worldly-wise manner, it was probably not a wise thing to do but it was a moral issue for me. Even when she questioned me about some defence deal, I told her that 'You questioning my integrity and honesty isn't acceptable'. But then, there are so many other pleasant things. When my daughter passed away, she was at the house all the time for days and days. And then I had a bypass surgery and she used to come to the hospital... and I saw her so often... not for any other thing, just for a chat. We talked about books, she is a great reader. I hadn't heard of One Hundred Years of Solitude by Gabriel Garcia Marquez before Sonia told me about it, when she was reading the book. We exchanged a lot of books. There is a side to her that's very charming.

Q. What is that?

A. She realises I'm a discreet person and that I'm devoted to the family, so she lets her hair down. She puts her hand to her mouth, she blushes and the dimples appear, and it's very nice. And she has a very good sense of humour.

Q. Is she a gossip? Does she like to know what's happening?

A. She knows everything.

Q. Rahul makes one appearance in your book, with the puppy who chewed the book. Is that all you think of him?

A. I like him, he's a charming chap. I have very great hopes that he will do something.

Q. Based on what?

A. Because he has the pedigree, he has grown up in a political family, he's a modern chap. He has no hang-ups.

Q. He never consulted you? Or had you become persona non grata by the time he became active in the party?

A. I am a life trustee of the Jawaharlal Nehru Memorial Fund. So I meet him there, once in four or five months. Sonia also comes there but I don't speak to her.

Q. Right, just pleasantries. You describe a dinner where she doesn't speak to you.

A. She was sitting here, I was sitting here, and the Czech president was here and she didn't speak to either of us. At other dinners we used to exchange jokes and chits. I'd write something funny and she would read it and put the chit in her purse. Nobody else had this relationship with her.

Q. Was it like a mentor and mentee? Or like two friends?

A. Mentor is very pompous. We were very good friends.

Q. Despite the age difference?

A. Yes.

Q. There's one very telling sentence in the book. That no Indian would've done what she did.

A. Yes, that's true.

Q. What do you mean by that?

A. That she has a very hard core inside her. Which is un-Indian. For example, no Indian would've dealt with a person so many years older than her in such a way, when there's a tradition that you respect your elders and you don't mistreat them. And this is not just me, everybody else is at the receiving end. I mean the prime minister of India knows that she doesn't talk to him (reference is to P.V. Narasimha Rao). He says, kya karun main, I am prime minister, I want to see her.

Q. Is that the only thing you think is un-Indian about her?

A. You see, this has been her home since she was 19. She's dressed like an Indian. She's not well-versed in our holy books, but so few of us are. She observes all the fasts and festivals. She had a Kashmiri wedding for her daughter. She has lived here and at the top and she has not committed any faux pas that someone can say yeh kya kar rahi hai. But she has a hard core. Maybe twenty-five percent, but it's there.

Q. Does Sonia have any friends?

A. At this level, there are no friends. You accept that you can't have friends.

Q. You do realise that this will be called a BJP conspiracy? Your son is a BJP MLA.

A. My son has nothing to do with this.

Q. You don't think this is one of the things Congress will say?

A. I'll say, 'How well do you know the Congress?' Who are these jokers who will say this to me? How well do they know Sonia Gandhi?

Q. Because you end the book with a meeting with Mr Modi.

A. Yeah, I went to see him. I was very surprised that in five months he hadn't said a word about foreign policy. So I went and told him, "Main aapse kuch maangne nahin aaya hoon. I have come to tell you that if you're the Prime Minister, you're ultimately foreign minister also." So he said, "Bataiye," and I said, "Start with the neighbours."

Q. Do you still believe that the Congress can be led only by a member of the Nehru-Gandhi family? Even now?

A. Yes. Unless some genius appears. Give me a name. The Nehru-Gandhi family has a pan-India appeal which cuts across religion, language and region. Up until the last five years, they had a 15 per cent vote share that was a given. They would start at an advantage. The party will split from the middle without them. She's kept it together for 15 years. When she became Congress president, she asked me what she should do and I said, "Reinvent the Congress party." And she did. It went off very well.

Q. But what do you think of Rahul as a leader?

A. I thought he had the makings of a leader.

Q. So you think the makings have now withered away?

A. No, but if your party is left with just 44 seats, there's something wrong.

Saturday 2 August 2014

#FriendshipDay: No comparison between real and virtual friendship


One of the many internet memes that went viral on Facebook (FB) recently was about a man who had just five persons at his funeral even though he had some 4,000 odd 'FB friends'. The popular notion is that social networking sites have taken a toll on real world friendships, but there are many in the city who believe that the warmth of a friend's hug has no substitute in the 'likes', 'shares' or 'pokes' of the virtual world.

When TOI walked across the town on the eve of Friendship Day, Patnaites said it was not fair to compare the real and virtual world friendships as both were on totally different platforms. Social networking sites are more about keeping in touch or connecting with old friends or acquaintances and less about making new friends, feels Ashish Kumar, a Patna College student. "The 'friends' on FB or Twitter are for increasing our network. The 'real friends', in the traditional sense of the term, are those with whom we hang out daily or share our good and bad times," he said, maintaining that both have separate places in life.

Gola Road resident Ruchika Sharma believes that spending a couple of hours on FB is a good pastime and should not be confused with friendship. "Having FB and Twitter accounts does not mean that I'm aloof from my 'worldly friends'. I still spend lots of time hanging out with them," says Ruchika, a beautician, adding that she'll catch up Salman's latest flick 'Kick' with two of her buddies on Sunday.

While Friendship Day messages and quotes have already started filtering in on the websites, many are also changing their profile pics with their friends. Customized friendship bands, gifts and greetings have flooded the internet.

But, real world friends cannot be replaced with the online friends, says Kumar Prateek, who's preparing for banking exams. "All talks of social networking sites damaging friendships are generalized. There may be reports of untoward incidents due to the internet, but it totally depends on the wisdom of the users," says Prateek, who plans to wish his friends through midnight phone calls.

If anything, social networking or free messaging websites keep friends connected with each other. "I have over 500 friends on FB. But, the few with whom I spend my waking hours will remain special throughout my life," says Aishwarya Singh, an engineering student who's home in semester break.

Tuesday 22 July 2014

બાલ ગંગાધર તિલકનો આજે જન્મ દિવસ

બાલ ગંગાધર તિલક (જુલાઇ ૨૩ , ૧૮૫૬ - ઓગસ્ટ ૧, ૧૯૨૦) ભારતના એક મુખ્ય નેતા, સમાજ સુધારક અને સ્વાતંત્ર્ય સેનાની હતા એઓ ભારતીય સ્વાતંત્ર્ય સંગ્રામના પહેલા લોકપ્રિય નેતા હતા. એમણે સૌથી પહેલાં ભારતમાં પૂર્ણ સ્વરાજ ની માંગ ઉઠાવી હતી. એમનું કથન "સ્વરાજ મેરા જન્મસિદ્ધ અધિકાર હૈ ઔર મૈં ઇસે લેકર રહૂઁગા" ખુબ જ પ્રસિદ્ધ થયું. એમને માનથી "લોકમાન્ય" (બધા જ લોકોને માન્ય હોય એવું સન્માન) કહેવામાં આવે છે. એમને હિંદુ રાષ્ટ્રવાદના પિતા તરીકે પણ ઓળખવામાં આવે છે.

પ્રારંભિક જીવન
લોકમાન્ય તિલકનો જન્મ જુલાઇ ૨૩, ૧૮૫૬ના દિવસે મહારાષ્ટ્ર રાજ્યના રત્નાગિરી જિલ્લાના એક ગામમાં થયો હતો. તેઓ આધુનિક કોલેજ શિક્ષણ મેળવનારી પહેલી ભારતીય પેઢીમાંના એક હતા. એમણે કેટલાક સમય સુધી શાળા અને કોલેજોમાં ગણિત ભણાવ્યું. અંગ્રેજી શિક્ષણના તેઓ ઘોર આલોચક હતા અને એવું માનતા હતા કે આ શિક્ષણમાં ભારતીય સભ્યતા પ્રતિ અનાદર શિખવાડવામાં આવે છે. એમણે દક્ષિણ શિક્ષણ સોસાયટીની સ્થાપના કરી, જેનું મુખ્ય ધ્યેય ભારતમાં શિક્ષણનું સ્તર સુધારવાનું હતું.

સ્વતંત્રતા સંગ્રામ

બાલ ગંગાધર તિલક
તિલકે મરાઠી ભાષામાં કેસરી નામક દૈનિક સમાચાર પત્ર શુરુ કર્યું જે ખૂબ જ ટૂંકા ગાળામાં માં અત્યંત લોકપ્રિય થઇ ગયું. તિલકે અંગ્રેજી સરકારની ક્રૂરતા અને ભારતીય સંસ્કૃતિ પ્રતિ હીન-ભાવ રાખવા બદલ ઉગ્ર ટીકા કરી. એમણે નીડરતાથી બુલંદ માંગણી કરી કે બ્રિટિશ સરકાર તરત જ ભારતીયોને પૂર્ણ સ્વરાજ આપી દે. કેસરી સામાયિકમાં છપાયેલા એમના લેખોને કારણે એમને કેટલીય વાર જેલમાં મોકલવામાં આવ્યા.

તિલક ભારતીય રાષ્ટ્રીય કોંગ્રેસમાં સામેલ થયા, પરંતુ જલ્દીથી તેઓ કોંગ્રેસના નરમપંથી રવૈયાની વિરુદ્ધ બોલવા લાગ્યા હતા. ઇ. સ. ૧૯૦૭ના વર્ષમાં કોંગ્રેસનું ગરમ દળ અને નરમ દળમાં વિભાજન થઇ ગયું. ગરમ દળમાં તિલકની સાથે લાલા લજપત રાય અને બિપિનચંદ્ર પાલ પણ સામેલ હતા. એમને ત્રણેય આગેવાનો લાલ-બાલ-પાલના નામથી ઓળખાવા લાગ્યા. ૧૯૦૮માં તિલકે ક્રાંતિકારીઓ પ્રફુલ્લ ચાકી અને ખુદીરામ બોસ દ્વારા કરાયેલા બોમ્બ હુમલાનું સમર્થન કર્યું. જેના કારણે એમને બર્મા (હાલનું મ્યાનમાર)માં જેલમાં મોકલવામાં આવ્યા. જેલમાંથી છૂટીને તેઓ ફરી કોંગ્રેસમાં સામેલ થઇ ગયા અને ૧૯૧૬-૧૮ના વર્ષમાં ઐની બેસંટ અને મહમ્મદ અલી જિણા સાથે અખિલ ભારતીય હોમ રુલ લીગની સ્થાપના કરી હતી.

Amit Shah(@AmitShahOffice)'s elevation as BJP President signals a generational change and Modi's complete takeover of the party

In March 2014, around the time BJP was yet to take a final call on fielding Narendra Modi from Uttar Pradesh, Amit Shah, the general secretary in-charge of the state, was clear that Modi had to contest from its eastern region. He made the recommendation to then party president Rajnath Singh. For someone who had always seen himself as first among equals in Uttar Pradesh, Singh was less than enthused. Would it be right for the party president and the prime ministerial candidate to contest from the same state, he asked. Shah did not respond, moved on to the next issue on his agenda and left the meeting with a request that Singh reconsider his suggestion.
The matter rested there for a while with Singh taking his time and also exploring Patna as a compromise choice for Modi because Bihar was equally important. But Shah is intrinsically opposed to such compromises-possibly one of the key attributes that endears him to Modi. He had arrived at his decision after a detailed analysis-the only way BJP could transcend the complex matrix of caste and religion in Uttar Pradesh was by creating and then continuously reinforcing a Modi wave.
With the prime ministerial candidate on his side, Shah came back with a reminder, followed it up with more reminders and then, finally took it as a given and asked the next question: So, from where does adhyakhshji (the president) want to contest? In a matter of a few weeks, the issue had turned on its head and now Singh was hurrying to finalise his constituency. There were nervous moments too, when suggestions were made that Singh contest from Jharkhand. His camp moved quickly and firmed up Lucknow to claim Atal Bihari Vajpayee's legacy.
Modi trusts Shah's judgement and admires the steadfast manner in which he goes about getting things done once he has given clearance. After he delivered Uttar Pradesh to his boss, with the BJP-Apna Dal combine winning a record 73 of the 80 seats there, the way for Shah's elevation was clear. Modi pushed his candidature through, quelling opposition from within the party and some RSS quarters on the grounds that both the PM and party president could not hail from Gujarat and there are fake encounter killing cases pending against Shah. Modi's retort: is there a more competent candidate available to deliver the states that BJP needs to win?
Amit Shah with Narendra Modi after his appointment as BJP chief, in Delhi.
ALL THE PRESIDENT'S MEN
At 49, Shah is the youngest-ever BJP president. His advent is likely to see the party leadership getting younger in the coming days. Modi, say insiders, clearly thinks that the party needs to deepen its connect with young voters and consolidate recent gains. But a younger organisation is only a part of what it means to have Shah as the new BJP president. The import of his appointment is threefold. One, he is Modi's closest aide and his elevation completes the Prime Minister's grip over the party, bringing an end to the domination of the Delhi coterie that refused to step down despite failing to deliver in two Lok Sabha elections (2004 and 2009). Secondly, his elevation makes way for clearing up the organisation of older leaders who are no longer considered useful. And more importantly, in Uttar Pradesh, Shah demonstrated the ability to fulfil Modi's command while taking RSS along. He carried along Modi's management style and tapped into the Sangh's organisational abilities, to which he added a meticulous use of technology.
Two days before Shah was announced as BJP president on July 9, senior RSS Pracharaks Ram Madhav, also 49, and Shiv Prakash, in his early 50s, too joined the party. While Prakash, a kshetra pracharak, had worked with Shah in western Uttar Pradesh, Madhav has been the media face of RSS as its spokesperson for a decade now. From the day he joined BJP, he has been by Shah's side. Even though Madhav has not been given any specific role yet, he has been part of every meeting that Shah has held with party office-bearers until now. These include initial discussions with BJP units of four states-Jammu and Kashmir, Haryana, Jharkhand and Maharashtra-that go to polls in the next six months.
Shah's target is to ensure BJP forms the government in at least three of these states. The party also wants to build on the unprecedented gains in Assam, West Bengal, Odisha, Tamil Nadu and Kerala. Says Uttar Pradesh BJP chief Laxmikant Bajpai: "Shah is a man of not just vision but firm resolution and immediate execution. We've already had a crucial meeting with him on the Uttar Pradesh Assembly polls, which are scheduled for 2017. On our next visit, we will look at the criteria for ticket distribution."
With Shah taking orders directly from Modi, it is unlikely that the party and the Government will be pulling in different directions. BJP has already formed a policy facilitation group under General Secretary P. Muralidhar Rao, 48, to monitor the Government's policy compliance with the manifesto and other key promises made during the Lok Sabha campaign.
However, some leaders also have concerns, which they voice in hushed tones these days. "He takes orders directly from Modi and then passes them on to the people he trusts. Transparency could suffer. The party leadership will be replaced by a smaller coterie in the name of efficiency," says a BJP general secretary.
THE TECH EDGE
A closer look at Shah's winning strategy in Uttar Pradesh shows that he will rely immensely on technology to re-energise the party system. He transformed the party's Lucknow office, had a war room set up to plan for the battle ahead and an IT cell to tap potential voters using social media, particularly first-time voters. "India added nearly 110 million voters in the last General Election and BJP and RSS went into it believing that these new voters would be game-changers," says Sunil Bansal, 44, who was loaned by RSS to assist the BJP-managed war room of Shah in Lucknow. BJP had set up a call centre as part of its war room. It served a dual purpose. Party sympathisers and supporters could give a missed call on the call centre number to know about BJP programmes. The call centre workers were able to convert more than 20,000 of these callers into active volunteers of the party. Already, the word is out is that new IT systems are being looked at to aid better electoral planning from the headquarters. Shah's message, according to insiders, is that the party worker must find easier ways to communicate with the leadership than wait for hours before the houses and office of leaders to be heard. Insiders say the new BJP president wants technological solutions that organise the leader-worker interaction in a way that the urgent can be segregated from the not-so-immediate.
For instance, in Uttar Pradesh, he had cell phones provided to booth workers; those manning the call centre in Lucknow would call up these workers daily and submit a report every evening to Bansal. He, in turn, would give a constituency-wise daily report to Shah. "This helped charging up the workers and allowed us to address problems faster," adds Bansal.
After the Uttar Pradesh poll success, those from RSS who had assisted Shah have been brought into the party. Bansal was inducted into BJP three weeks before Shah became president.
He is now general secretary (organisation) of the Uttar Pradesh unit. RSS Joint General Secretary Krishna Gopal, who coordinated with Shah in Uttar Pradesh, is now set to replace Suresh Soni as the Sangh's pointperson to liaison with the party. Gopal and Shah worked closely with each other. While Shah relied on a number of RSS functionaries to act as 'paalaks' (care-takers) for different constituencies, Gopal ensured that BJP had the complete support of the RSS's frontal organisations and cadres where its base had been eroded over the years. RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat had held a three-day meeting of the RSS zonal in-charges in Varanasi in February to oversee the planning and coordination between BJP and the Sangh.
The party is also set to get new faces with Shah planning to bring in young talent from states like Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra and Karnataka for the future. Given that General Secretaries Ananth Kumar, Thawar Chand Gehlot and Dharmendra Pradhan are now part of the Government, Shah has opportunity to build his own team of general secretaries. J.P. Nadda, another general secretary, is expected to join the ministry in the next expansion. The BJP parliamentary board, too, will have vacancies-Kumar and Gehlot are likely to be dropped and Madhav inducted into the highest decision-making body.
JOURNEY FROM NOWHERE
A clear signal of Shah's increasing clout in the party comes from the way in which the party brass was in attendance at this son Jay's engagement on July 13 at Ahmedabad's YMCA club.
The celebrations saw over 20 ministers of the Modi ministry from Rajnath Singh, Arun Jaitley and Nitin Gadkari to RSS leaders Soni and Madhav. Shah's journey from a junior RSS and BJP worker who even pasted BJP posters in his initial days on barren city walls to the pinnacle of political glory today is best illustrated by the contrast between the July 13 function and Shah's own pre-wedding dinner about 27 years ago in Ahmedabad's Naranpura area. According to Ratibhai Patel, 78, an RSS worker who gave Shah his first lessons in the organisation, only 150 guests attended Shah's dinner and the leftover sweets had to be distributed among his neighbours. On July 13, over 1,500 guests were in attendance. A senior cabinet minister even remarked on the side that there were more BJP leaders from Uttar Pradesh and Delhi at the function than those from Gujarat, where Shah started his political journey.
Shah isn't Modi's man alone. He enjoys respect in RSS and its allied organisations for his ideological commitment and sensitivity towards grassroots workers. Bharatbhai Bhatt, 58, another RSS functionary who worked with Shah in the local unit of the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), recalls how the unit started a number of innovative public programmes at Shah's behest-a book bank for poor students, singing patriotic songs in schools and running a vocational employment bureau for needy students so that they could work part-time to cover their expenses. Says Bhatt, now a primary school principal, "There was one quality that set him apart. Courage. On his suggestion, we started a picketing programme against black marketeers at cinema theatres, catch them and hand them over to police. Amitbhai himself took the lead in this."
It was perhaps this courage that brought him closer to Modi when he refused to turn approver against the then Gujarat chief minister in the fake encounter killing cases. "Just one statement against Modi at that time could have put the current Prime Minister's political career in jeopardy," reveals a party leader. A court order in 2010 releasing him on bail after three months of jail but asking him to stay out of Gujarat for almost two years "so that Shah didn't tamper with the evidence in the case" came as a blessing in disguise. Shah used the banishment to build contacts with top party leaders in Delhi; he even rented a house last year in Jangpura Extension on the periphery of Lutyens' Delhi.
Modi first spotted Shah as a pracharak in 1985 at an RSS meet in Ahmedabad and took a liking for him after a few meetings. Shah was one of Modi's strategists when the latter clashed with bete noire Shankarsinh Vaghela in 1995, which had resulted in Modi being banished from Gujarat to Delhi as BJP national secretary. The banning of Modi resulted in many of his followers in Gujarat deserting him for other leaders. When Keshubhai Patel started distancing himself from Modi on becoming chief minister for the second time in 1998, Shah, who was an MLA then, stood by Modi and became his backroom boy in the fight. He also played a role in creating an atmosphere for Modi to step in as chief minister in October 2001 replacing Patel.
Shah got his first big chance in December 2002 when Modi made him the minister of state for home, transport and law. The fake encounters during his tenure were used by his opponents to defame him and two of these had him entangled-those of Sohrabuddin Sheikh and Tulsi Prajapati. His arrest in Sohrabuddin encounter case turned out to be his worst period. The upshot of it was that it burnished his credentials as a Hindu hardliner. Shah remains an accused out on bail in both the cases which have now been clubbed together by the Supreme Court. He was recently exempted by a lower court in Mumbai which is hearing the case from personal appearance in court.
Finance minister Arun Jaitley at Amit Shah's son Jay's engagement ceremony in Ahmedabad.
MAN FOR THE TURNAROUND
Shah's administrative acumen is borne out by his achievements. He turned around the loss-making Gujarat State Finance Corporation in 16 months flat after taking over as chairman in 1995. Three years later, he repeated the feat as chairman of Ahmedabad District Cooperative Bank, taking the balance sheet from losses of Rs.40 crore to a profit of Rs.20 crore in one year. As transport minister, he brought the lossmaking Gujarat State Road Transport Corporation back in black.
Soon after his elevation to the top job, a close Modi aide reportedly told Shah: "Are you able to fathom what you have achieved at such a young age? Even Modiji could never become the party president." Shah replied, "I know it very well. I have to prove myself in the 18 months that are left of my term," referring to the fact that he has come in as a mid-term replacement for Rajnath Singh. Modi's expectations from the new BJP president will be sky-high given Shah's administrative and organisational track record. And Shah has only half a term to prove himself to his boss. At least to begin with.

Monday 30 June 2014

Death Anniversary of Dadabhai Naoroji


Born: September 4, 1825
Died: June 30, 1917

Achievements: First Indian to become a professor of the college; instrumental in the establishment of the Indian National Congress; was President of the Indian National Congress thrice; the Congress' demand for swaraj (self-rule) was first expressed publicly by him in his presidential address in 1906

Dadabhai Naoroji is fondly called as the "Grand Old Man of India". He is viewed as the architect who laid the foundation of the Indian freedom struggle.

Dadabhai Naoroji was born in a poor Parsi family in Bombay on September 4, 1825. His father, Naoroji Palanji Dordi, died when Dadabhai Naoroji was only four years old. He was raised by her mother Maneckbai who despite being illiterate herself ensured that Dadabhai Naoroji got best English education possible. As a student Dada Bhai Naoroji was very good in Mathematics and English. He studied at Elphinstone Institution, Bombay and on completion of his education he was appointed the Head Native Assistant Master at the Elphinstone Institution. Dadabhai Naoroji became a professor of Mathematics and Natural Philosophy at Elphinstone Institution at the age of 27. He was the first Indian to become a professor of the college.

Dadabhai Nauroji entered the political fray in 1852. He strongly opposed the renewal of lease to the East India Company in 1853. He sent petitions to the English government in this regard. But the British government ignored his pleas and renewed the lease. Dadabhai Naoroji felt that the British misrule of India was because of ignorance of the Indian people. He set up the Gyan Prasarak Mandali (Society for Promotion of Knowledge) for the education of adult menfolk. He wrote several petitions to Governors and Viceroys regarding India's problems. Ultimately, he felt that the British people and the British Parliament must be made aware of India's plight. In 1855, at the age of 30 he sailed for England.

In England, Dadabhai Naoroji joined several learned societies, delivered many speeches and wrote articles on the plight of India. He founded the East Indian Association on December 1st, 1866. The association was comprised of high-ranking officers from India and people who had access to Members of the British Parliament. Dadabhai Naoroji was elected to the British Parliament in 1892 from Central Finsbury as the Liberal party candidate. He got a resolution passed in British Parliament for holding preliminary examinations for the I.C.S. in India and England simultaneously. He also got the Wiley Commission, the royal commission on India expenditure, to acknowledge the need for even distribution of administrative and military expenditure between India and England.

Dadabhai Naoroji was instrumental in the establishment of the Indian National Congress founded by A.O. Hume in 1885. Thrice he was elected to the post of the President of the Indian National Congress, in 1886, 1893 and in 1906. During his third term, he prevented a split between moderates and extremists in the party. The Congress' demand for swaraj (self-rule) was first expressed publicly by him in his presidential address in 1906. Dadabhai Naoroji believed in non-violent and constitutional methods of protest. He died at the age of 92 on June 30, 1917.

Thursday 26 June 2014

Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay birth anniversary

Through his writings, this man breathed a new passion and life into an entire civilisation, particularly his native region of Bengal, which became kindled with religious, nationalistic and artistic fervour after being infused with the powerful visions contained in his writings.
Born on 27 June 1838 in the Kantalpara district of Bengal, the first striking event we have of his life was that he mastered the alphabet as a child in a single sitting. This was an image and prophecy for the rest of his life.
Apart from the breathtaking legacy of his literary works – his life was quite “normal” and not in any way out of the ordinary. He was a man who never clamoured for place or power, but did his work in silence for the love of his work, even as nature does. And just because he had no aim but to give out the best that was in him to his people, he was able to create a language, a literature, a freedom struggle, and steer the course of history.
Bankim was 19 years of age when India’s First War of independence (known in the west as the “Sepoy Mutiny”) was waged. The following year (1858) India had lost the war. Bankim was finishing his studies at the time, and in that same year graduated from the University of Calcutta. The British authorities immediately appointed him to the post of Deputy Magistrate.
Young Bankim had suffered a shock in seeing the failure of India’s War of Independence. He could not rest until he knew why the great movement for liberation ended up being crushed in the manner in which it was, and that too with the help of many Indian’s themselves (most notably the Sikhs). In his effort to discover the causes of that failure he set his sharp intellect to the task of analysing the great problems that India was facing. Influenced and inspired by three great figures of that epoch, Raja Rammohan Roy, Iswarchandra Vidyasagar and Rani Lakshmibai of Jhansi (the Hindu queen who led her soldiers against the British during the war) – he soon recognised the existence of a number of startling facts.
Foremost among these was that the people of India were fast becoming denationalised by English manners and customs, English fashions, and English whiskies and wines – not to mention the Christian missionaries (who had made Bengal their storm centre). The British government used their educational system to further this agenda (after abolishing and outlawing the traditional Indian education systems). Chatterji’s soul winced when he perceived that the Indian who spoke good English was more honoured by his own people than the man who spoke and wrote their own tongue exquisitely. Wherever he looked, he saw educated Indians jumping frantically on the bandwagon of British culture.
From the moment he had first learned to think for himself, Bankim realised that there was a titanic struggle ahead to reverse the trend and bring physical and cultural freedom to the sacred motherland. He felt that he had his own divinely ordained effort to make in this veritable battle – which he played silently and humbly. If India was to be uplifted, her children must once again create literature and language dynamic and inspiring to enlighten and inspire the entire people of India.
Soon, the profound effect of Chatterji’s novels and essays, with their compelling beauty, subtle humour and inspiring themes could be seen, firstly in Bengal and then spilling over into greater India. Indians who were nurtured on Shakespeare, Milton and Shelley began to read the works of Kalidas, Bhavabhuti, Chandidas and Vidyapula. They turned eagerly to the Puranas, Upanishads and the Bhagavad Gita. Whereas before, elite Indians took pride in their knowledge of the Magna Carta strugle, the times of Oliver Cromwell and the tragedy of Charles the First, they began to relish the ballads of Rajasthan and Maharashtra. A new feeling was born. Millions began to hold their heads high once again and talk in terms of “our language”, “our literature”, “our history”, “our country”.
His Literary History
Bankim began his literary career with a desire to write in English, and wrote a novel called Rammohan’s Wife.” He at once realised his mistake with the realisation that the his work was much more natural and powerful in his own mother tongue.
The major novels he wrote were: Chandrashekhar, Kishna Kanta’s Will, Debi Chaudhurani, Sitaram, Indira, Kamal Kanta and Anandamath.
The last of these, Anandamath deserves special mention here. It wasn’t necessarily the best of Bankim Chandra’s works, though still great in its own right. Yet because of its astonishing political consequences, with no other of his works is Bankim so closely identified.
The Anandamath story is set in 18th century India, when a group of warrior sannyasis mounted a guerilla war against Muslim rule (based on a true historical attempt by sannyasis to do precisely this). It was a riveting story line with amazing characters and meaningful dialogues. Yet more importantly, hundreds of thousands of Indians (primarily Hindus) took the story as a metaphor for their own present day situation, understanding it as a call to arms to drive the new tyrants (the British) away from the sacred soil. Indeed, the main revolutionary group in Bengal chose its name as that of the sannyasin group from Anandamath. The most important and widely known section of this book was the poem “Vande Mataram” which means “Hail to the Mother(land)”. The song became the battle cry for India’s freedom struggle. It was set to become India’s National Anthem, but was rejected because a section of Muslims considered the song as idolatrous due to its metaphor comparing India to the tiger-borne Goddess Durga “with instruments of punishment in each of her ten hands”. To placate the Muslims (and Jawahalal Nehru) the constituent assembly rejected it as the National Anthem. Incidentally, Rabindranath Tagore, the great poet whose “Jana Gana” eventually became India’s National Anthem had stated on several occasions that he desired very much that Bankim Chandra’s “Vande Mataram” should become the National Anthem of free India. For example, in 1928, he said in an interview with Mulk Raj Ananda “I share his ideas of inheriting the past – if made relevant for the present! Bankim Chandra is our master in this respect. In our school here, students sing “Bande Mataram” every morning…..I hope it becomes the national anthem of free India!”
Bankim Chandra’s Anandamath demonstrated the most powerful example in modern history of how art can affect real life to a tremendous extent – especially in an artistically orientated civilisation like that of the Hindus.
Towards the end of his life, Bankim Chandra turned his attention to write about spirituality – the very essence of Hindu civilisation. A Life of Krishna and a book on the Essence of Religion, a rendering of the Bhagavad Gita and a commentary on the Vedas were his aims to give to his fellow countrymen. The first two he managed to complete, and the rendering of the Bhagavad Gita was three parts finished, but the commentary on the Vedas, which should have been a priceless possession, never got into the stage of execution. Death, in whose shadow he had so long dwelt, with his ailing health, took the pen from his hand before he could accomplish this feat. Yet his contributions to literature are enough to immortalise his memory.
Vande Mataram!