Biography of Ram Prasad Bismil

Ram Prasad Bismil (Hindi: राम प्रसाद 'बिस्मिल') was an Indian revolutionary who participated in Mainpuri Conspiracy of 1918, and the Kakori conspiracy of 1925, both against British Empire. As well as being a freedom fighter, he was also a patriotic poet. Ram, Agyat and Bismil were known as his pen names which he used in Urdu and Hindi poetry. But, he became popular with the last name "Bismil" only. He was associated with Arya Samaj where he got inspiration from Satyarth Prakash, a book written by Swami Dayanand Saraswati. He also had a confidential connection with Lala Har Dayal through his guru Swami Somdev, who was a renowned preacher of Arya Samaj.

Bismil was one of the founder members of the revolutionary organisation Hindustan Republican Association. Bhagat Singh praised him as a great poet-writer of Urdu and Hindi, who had also translated the books Catherine from English and Bolshevikon Ki Kartoot from Bengali. Several inspiring patriotic verses are attributed to him. The famous poem "Sarfaroshi ki Tamanna" is also popularly attributed to him, although some progressive writers have remarked that 'Bismil' Azimabadi actually wrote the poem and Ram Prasad Bismil immortalized it.

Early life

Ram Prasad Bismil was born at Shahjahanpur, a historical city of Uttar Pradesh (U.P.) in a religious Hindu family of Murlidhar and Moolmati.

Grandfather's migration

His grandfather Narayan Lal was migrated from his ancestral village Barbai and settled at a very distant place Shahjahanpur in U.P. Barbai was situated on the bank of river Chambal in Tomardhar region of the then estate of Gwalior in the British period. This village is now in the Murena district of Madhya Pradesh.

Father's efforts to educate the son

His father, Murlidhar, was living in Khirni Bag Mohalla of Shahjahanpur city, where Ram was born. In childhood, Ram was sent to a local primary school but he was very much adamant to learn Hindi because of an Hindi alphabet "u" which was taught as 'u' for 'owl'.

In Urdu School

When his father Murlidhar could not make him learn "u" in spite of every effort, he decided to educate Ram through Urdu medium and he was admitted in Islamia School of Shahjahanpur. As he grew up, he associated with bad students and read romantic poetry books and cheap novels that undermined his academic work.

Admitted in English school

When he failed twice in 7th standard of Urdu, he was admitted to an English school called Mission School of the city. After passing 8th standard from Mission School in First Division, he was admitted to the Government School in Shahjahanpur. While studying in this school, he kept his pen-name as 'Bismil' and continued writing patriotic poetry. He became popular by the name Bismil amongst his class mates.

Contact with Somdev

When he was a student of 9th class, he read in newspaper a news about the death sentence of Bhai Parmanand, a famous scholar and companion of Lala Har Dayal. Bismil was 18 years old at that time. In those days he used to go to the Arya Samaj Temple of Shahjahanpur daily, where Swami Somdev, a friend of Bhai Paramanand, was staying. A revengeful anger had burst out in the mind of Bismil through this incident. He composed a poem in Hindi titled "My Birth" (hi. mera janm) and showed it to Swami Somdev. In that poem he showed his commitment to root out the British Empire from India.

Firm resolve

Swami Somdev read the poem and said- "Ram Prasad! I know that you are very much hurt by heart and accordingly you have chosen your pen name as 'Bismil'. Your poem is also full of patriotic feelings and your views are very clear but, my dear child! it is not so easy to fulfill the commitment until a solid determination does not sustain in your heart and mind." In spite of arguments and counter-arguments from the Swami, Bismil did not deviate from his commitment. When Swami Somdev saw a burning flame of revolution in his eyes, he advised him to prepare himself politically and go to Lucknow to participate actively in the next Indian National Congress of 1916.

In Lucknow Congress

Next year Bismil left the school and went to Lucknow with his friends. The Liberal group was not prepared to allow Moderate group for any type of welcome of Tilak in the city. Bismil and a senior student of M.A. laid down the car of Tilak and lead the overwhelming procession of Bal Gangadhar Tilak in whole of the city. Bismil was highlighted there and so many youths from all over India became his fans. They organised a group of youths and decided to publish a book in Hindi on the history of American independence, America Ki Swatantrata Ka Itihas, with the consent of Swami Somdev. This book was published with a fictitious name of Babu Harivans Sahai, B.A. and its publisher's name was given as Somdev Siddhgopal Shukla. As soon as the book was published, the then U.P. Government proscribed it to be sold anywhere in the state.

Revolutionary actions in Mainpuri

Bismil formed a revolutionary organization in the name of Matrivedi (en.Altar of Motherland) and contacted Pt. Genda Lal Dixit who was a school teacher at Auraiya. Reference of Dixit was given to him by his mentor Som Dev.

Joint actions

Till then Bismil had collected some weapons also. Som Dev knew that Bismil could be more offensive in his mission if a matured and experienced person supported him. Genda Lal had contacts with some powerful decoits of the state.

He wanted to utilize their power in the armed struggle against the British rulers. Like Bismil, Dixit had also formed an armed organisation of youths called Shivaji Samiti (named after Shivaji). When Bismil told Dixit that his ancestors belonged to the notorious area of Central Province known for bravery, Dixit was happy and he accepted the offer. After that they organised youths of Etawah, Mainpuri, Agra and Shahjahanpur districts of United Province (now Uttar Pradesh) to strengthen the organisation.

Absconded from Delhi Congress

On 28 January 1918 'Bismil' published a pamphlet titled "Deshvasiyon Ke Nam Sandesh" (en.A Message to Countrymen) and distributed it amongst public along with his poem "Mainpuri Ki Pratigya" (en.Vow of Mainpuri). In order to collect funds for the party looting was undertaken on three occasions in 1918. Police searched for them in and around Mainpuri while they were selling the books proscribed by the U.P. Government in the Delhi Congress of 1918. When police found them, Bismil absconded with the books unsold. When he was planning another looting between Delhi and Agra, a police team arrived and firing started from both the sides. Bismil was very cautious: he jumped into the river Yamuna and swam underwater. The police and his companions thought that he had died in the encounter. Dixit was arrested along with his other companions and he was kept in Agra fort from which Dixit fled and lived underground in Delhi. A criminal case was filed against them. It is known as the "Mainpuri Conspiracy" against the British King Emperor. On 1 November 1919 the Judiciary Magistrate of Mainpuri B.S. Chris announced the judgement against all accused and declared Dixit and Bismil as absconders, because they could not be arrested by the police in spite of all efforts.

Underground activities of Bismil

From 1919 to 1920 Bismil remained underground, for sometime in Rampur Jagir/Jahangir village of present Gautam Budh Nagar Distt situated in Greater Noida, sometimes in Kosma village of Mainpuri district, sometimes in Bah and Pinahat of Agra Distt (all in the U.P. state). He also went to his paternal village Barbai in Morena district of M.P. state to take some money from his mother. While living underground he wrote several books: Man Ki Lahar - a collection of poems, Bolshevikon Ki Kartoot - a revolutionary novel, Yogik Sadhan - a booklet of yoga defining how to create a firm resolve in one's mind, and Catherine or Swadhinta Ki Devi - a consigned autobiography of Catherine, the grandmother of the Russian Revolution. Out of these books only Man Ki Lahar was a collection of poems written by 'Bismil' and his contemporary poets, whereas Bolshevikon Ki Kartoot and Yogik Sadhan were translated from Bengali and the Catherine or Swadhinta Ki Devi was fabricated from English.

Translation of Bengali books

The way he wrote these books was not so easy. As he has mentioned in his autobiography, he used to go to the arid land pasture and let the cattle loose to graze. Then he would settle down under a Babul tree with an exercise book and a pencil to translate the Bengali books. After completing some translation he used see if the cattle are grazing peacefully or not. Sometimes when the cattle were not visible nearby Bismil used to recall them with a stick and retrieve them back to the range of his voice command. He would spend most of his time to translate the books and the least to his daily routine for the monotonous meals which he also used to make himself.

Publication of books

He got all these books published through his own resources under Sushilmala - a series of publications except one Yogik Sadhan which was given to a publisher who was absconded and could not be traced out. These books have been discovered by 'Krant' M. L. Verma and are available in the libraries. Catherine or Swadhinta Ki Devi and Yogik Sadhan are compiled and edited in Sarfaroshi Ki Tamanna (Vol. 3) whereas Man Ki Lahar and Bolshevikon Ki Kartoot are published separately. Another of Bismil's books, Kranti Geetanjali, was published in 1929 after his death and was proscribed by British Raj in 1931. The Archives of India got this book under their Accession No 961. Now this book has been published in India and is available in the libraries.

Formation of Hindustan Republican Association

In February 1920, when all the prisoners of Mainpuri Conspiracy Case were released under government proclamation, Bismil returned to his native place Shahjahanpur and met the District Authorities. They allowed Bismil to live peacefully after taking an affidavit of undertaking from him declaring therein not to participate in any such revolutionary activity.

Back to home

He joined Bharat Silk Manufacturing Co. as a manager for sometimes and after that started a business of silk sarees in the partnership of Banarsi Lal. Banarsi Lal and Bismil had been associated with the District Congress Committee of Shahjahanpur. Although Bismil earned good money in the business yet he was not satisfied because his earlier commitment to get out British rulers from India was not fulfilled.

In Ahmedabad Congress

In 1921 Bismil attended Ahmedabad Congress along with many volunteers from Shahjahanpur and occupied a place on the dias. A senior congressman Prem Krishna Khanna and revolutionary Ashfaqulla Khan was also with him. Bismil played an active role in the Congress with Maulana Hasrat Mohani and got the most debated proposal of Poorn Swaraj passed in the General Body meeting of Congress. Mohandas K. Gandhi, who was not in the favour of this proposal became quite helpless before the overwhelming demand of youths. It was another victory of Bismil against the Liberal Group of Congress. He returned to Shahjahanpur and mobilised the youths of United Province for non-cooperation with the Government. The people of U.P. were so much influenced by the furious speeches and verses of Bismil that they became hostile against British Raj.

Opposition of Gandhi in Gaya Congress

In February 1922 some agitating farmers were killed in Chauri Chaura by the police. The police station of Chauri Chaura was attacked by the people and 22 policemen were burnt alive. Gandhi, without ascertaining the facts behind this incident, declared an immediate stop the non-cooperation movement without consulting any executive committee member of the Congress. Bismil and his group of youths strongly opposed Gandhi in the Gaya session of Indian National Congress (1922). When Gandhi refused to rescind his decision, its existing president Chittranjan Das resigned and the Indian National Congress was divided into two groups - one liberal and the other for rebellion. In January 1923, the rich group of party formed a new Swaraj Party under the joint leadership of Pt. Moti Lal Nehru and Chittranjan Das, and the youth group formed a revolutionary party under the leadership of Bismil.

Yellow Paper constitution

With the consent of Lala Har Dayal, Bismil went to Allahabad where he drafted the constitution of the party in 1923 with the help of Sachindra Nath Sanyal and another revolutionary of Bengal, Dr. Jadugopal Mukherjee. The basic name and aims of the organisation were typed on a Yellow Paper and later on a subsequent Constitutional Committee Meeting was conducted on 3 October 1924 at Kanpur in U.P. under the Chairmanship of Sachindra Nath Sanyal.

Sharing responsibility

This meeting decided the name of the party would be the Hindustan Republican Association (HRA). After a long discussion from others Bismil was declared there the District Organiser of Shahjahanpur and Chief of Arms Division. An additional responsibility of Provincial Organiser of United Province (Agra and Oudh) was also entrusted to him. Sachindra Nath Sanyal, was anonymously nominated as National Organiser and another senior member Jogesh Chandra Chatterjee, was given the responsibility of Coordinator, Anushilan Samiti. After attending the meeting in Kanpur, both Sanyal and Chatterjee left the U.P. and proceeded to Bengal for further extension of the organisation.

Publication of "The Revolutionary"

A pamphlet titled "The Revolutionary" was published in January 1925 under a fictitious name, Vijay Kumar and was circulated all over India. It was a pamphlet of four pages wherein the programme or manifesto of the revolutionaries was declared with a promise to Indian public for equal opportunity to every man irrespective of social status high or low, rich or poor. Policies of Mohandas Gandhi were openly criticised and youths were called to join the organisation. The police were astonished to see the language of pamphlet and sought its leader in Bengal. Sachindra Nath Sanyal had gone to despatch this pamphlet in a bulk and was arrested in Bankura, West Bengal. Before Sanyal's arrest Jogesh Chandra Chatterjee had also gone in the hands of police at Howrah railway station of Calcutta in Bengal.

Objectives and ideology of HRA

The immediate objective of the HRA in the domain of politics was to establish a "Federal Republic of the United States of India by an organised and armed revolution".

Tactics defined

Armed struggle, terrorism and retaliatory strikes were the favoured tactics in the attempt to defeat the British Empire. Its manifesto declared:

"The Official terrorism is surely to be met with counter terrorism. A spirit of utter helplessness pervades every strata of our society and terrorism is an effective means of restoring the proper spirits in the society without which progress will be difficult.... This revolutionary party has deliberatly abstained itself from entering into this terrorist campaign at the present moment even at the greatest of the provocations in the form of outrages committed on their sisters and mothers by the agent of a foreign government simply because the party is waiting to deliver the final blow. But when expediency will demand it the party will unhesitatingly enter into a desperate campaign of terrorism, when the life of every officer and individual helping the foreign government will be made intolerable...."

— "The Revolutionary" India 1 January 1925

Nationalisation of big sectors

In the manifesto their methodology and ideology was also clarified by saying that the final constitution shall be framed only when their representatives elected by the public will have the power to do so. In order to avoid the exploitation of a man by a man the party had proposed the nationalisation of big sectors:

"The railways and other means of transportation and communication,the mines and other kinds of very great industries such as the manufactures of steel and ships, all these shall be nationalised. In the public, the electors shall have the right to recall their representatives if so desired otherwise the democracy shall become a mockery.... Instead of private and unorganised business enterprise, the Party prefers co-operative unions".... "The Indian revolutionaries are neither terrorists nor anarchists.... They do not believe terrorism alone can bring independence and do not want terrorism for terrorism's sake."

— "The Revolutionary" India 1 January 1925

Rebuking M.K.Gandhi

Notwithstanding their ideology and its consequences,they had also rebuked the leaders of the country viz. M.K.Gandhi:

"It is a self-deception to say that India's political liberty can be attained through peaceful and legitimate means. When the enemy is determined to break the peace at his own convenience, the fine phrase "legitimate" loses all its charm and significance when one pledges himself to maintain peace at all costs." "Our public leaders hesitate to speak in plain terms that India wants complete autonomy free from foreign control. They perhaps are ignorant of the fact that nations are born through the inspiration of great ideals. The spiritual ideal which hestitates to accept the spirit of complete autonomy can hardly be called spirititual, though it may seemingly appear the most unmistakable terms and to place before the nation an ideal worth the name."

— "The Revolutionary" India 1 January 1925

Other aims

The HRA was socialist on the footprints of Indian sages in its attitude as its manifesto stated. Amongst other goals stated in the manifesto were Universal Suffrage, supremacy of the legislature and religious freedom.

Kakori conspiracy

After arrest of both the senior organiser of HRA total responsibility to run the party had come on the shoulders of Bismil. The District Organisers were demanding money. They were writing very sensitive letters to him: "Pandit Ji! we are dying with hunger, please do something." As a result he was feeling himself guilty for their pitiable condition.

On the way of Irish revolution

He decided to collect money like Irish revolutionaries by stealing from the rich people of society. So he looted the money at Bichpuri in Pilibhit Distt. and at Dwarkapur in Pratapgarh Distt of U.P., but not enough money was received in either of these actions.

Action of Kakori

Bismil executed a meticulous plan for looting the government treasury carried in a train at Kakori, near Lucknow in U.P. This historical event happened on August 9, 1925 and is known as the Kakori conspiracy. Only ten revolutionaries stopped the 8 Down Saharanpur-Lucknow passenger train at Kakori - a station just before the Lucknow Railway Junction. German-made Mauser C96 semi-automatic pistols were used in this action. Ashfaqulla Khan, the lieutenant of the HRA Chief Ram Prasad Bismil gave away his Mauser to Manmath Nath Gupta and engaged himself to break open the cash chest. Eagerly watching a new weapon in his hand, Manmath Nath Gupta fired the pistol and incidentally a passenger Ahmed Ali, who got down the train to see his wife in ladies compartment, was killed in this rapid action.

Arrest & filing of criminal case

The incident created a great upheaval in British India. The retribution was severe when more than 40 revolutionaries were arrested from all over India. As per official record of the British Government, a criminal conspiracy case was filed against 28 active members of HRA by the Special Magistrate Ainuddin after a long time. 21 persons were presented before Session Court of Special Judge A. Hamilton on 21 May 1926. Abbas Salim Khan, Banvari Lal Bhargava, Gyan Chattarji and Mohd. Ayuf were the assessors (legal advisers) of the Judge.

Verdict of case

On April 6, 1927 the verdict of court came out of the special court of Lucknow. This special court was established by the then British Government in the Ring Theatre. During the British rule, this Ring Theater was situated in between two important monuments - Kothi Hayat Baksh and Mallika Ahad's palace. This building was used by the Britishers for their entertainment. The English dramas were played and movies were screened. A board was put at the entrance which read "Dogs and Indians not allowed". The famous Kakori trial happened at this Theater. Govind Vallabh Pant, Chandra Bhanu Gupta, Mohan Lal Saxena and Kripa Shankar Hajela fought for the accused viz. Ram Prasad Bismil, Roshan Singh & Ashfaquallah Khan, etc. During the years 1929-1932 this Theater was transformed into the present General Post Office. It is situated on the main Vidhan Sabha Road, opposite to Capital Picture Hall and Christ Church of the main Hazratganj crossing. A stone embedded on the main gate of the GPO dates the buildings as 1929-1932. Court's verdict was published in 115 pages and the charges were proved in such a manner that no body could escape the punishment.

Supplementary case decision and appeal in Chief Court

Another supplementary case was filed against Ashfaqulla Khan and Shachindra Nath Bakshi in the court of Special Sessions Judge J.R.W. Bennett. An appeal was filed in the then Chief Court of Oudh (now in U.P.) on 18 July 1927. A very senior advocate Pt. Jagat Narayan Mulla pleaded the case as public prosecutor on behalf of the Government whereas Ram Prasad Bismil defended his case himself. He did not take any help from the Government.

Chief Court's decision and mercy appeal

On 22 August 1927 the Chief Court endorsed the original judgement with an exception of one or two punishments. A mercy appeal was filed in due course before the Provincial Governor of U.P. by the members of legislative council which was dismissed. Bismil wrote a letter to Pt. Madan Mohan Malviya on 9 September 1927 from the Gorakhpur Jail.

Madan Mohan Malviya's joint memorendum

Malviya sent a memorandum to the then Viceroy and Governor General of India Edward Fredrick Lindley Wood with the signatures of 78 Members of Central Legislature, which was also turned down. On 16 September 1927 the final mercy appeal was forwarded to Privy Council at London and to the King Emperor through a famous lawyer of England S.L. Polak but the British Government, who had already decided to hang them, sent their final decision to the India office of Viceroy that all the four condemned prisoners are now to be hanged till death by 19 December 1927 positively.

Final execution

In an 18-month long drawn case, Ram Prasad Bismil, Ashfaqulla Khan, Thakur Roshan Singh and Rajendra Nath Lahiri were sentenced to death under section 121(A), 120(B), 302 and 396 of Indian Penal Code. Bismil was hanged by the British authorities on 19 December 1927 in the morning at Gorakhpur Jail, Ashfaqulla Khan at the Faizabad Jail and Thakur Roshan Singh at Naini Allahabad Jail whereas fourth Rajendra Nath Lahiri was hanged on 17 December 1927 (two days before the scheduled date) at Gonda Jail; all located in the present Indian state of Uttar Pradesh.

End of the play

On 19 December 1927 Bismil woke up at 3.30 a.m. as usual in the morning, did his formal duties of daily routine, meditated for half an hour, bore new dhoti-kurta and sat in the waiting of his long awaited beloved death. At the appropriate time the Magistrate came along with the jailor, unlocked the condemned cell and asked Bismil to get ready. The Magistrate was austonished to see him smiling. Bismil rose up immediately and said - "Let us move!"

Last wish

He went cheerfully up to the gallows saying his last good bye to whomsoever met in the way. He stood up at the altar of gallows, kissed the noose and spoke very loudly his last wish - "I wish the downfall of British Empire!" Then he whispered the vedic prayer "Om vishvaani dev savitur duritaani paraasuv, yad bhadram tann aasuv." (en.O God of all creature! let the ill will be removed and the good prevail in our souls.) and put the noose around his neck like a garland.

The hangman pulled the lever of gallows and the body of Bismil hanged in the open air. For half an hour he was kept hanging to safeguard the certainty of death. In this way a daredevil son of Mother India departed for the common cause of every Indian's freedom.

Dead body's procession

Looking into the huge rush at the main gate of the jail authorities broke open the wall in front of gallows, the dead body was brought out and handed over to his parents Murlidhar and Moolmati. A huge rush of about 1.5 lakhs of people had gathered from all over the country. They took the dead body of their departed brother Ram Prasad and carried it to the bank of Rapti under a grand procession.

As seen in these pictures the prominent personalities like notable Hindi writer Mahavir Prasad Dwivedi founder editor of Kalyan Hanuman Prasad Poddar and politician Govind Ballabh Pant participated in the procession and remained there till the list rites cerimonials.

Last rites at Rajghat Gorakhpur

The dead body of Bismil was kept at Ghantaghar of Gorakhpur for the last view of the public in the City. From there it was taken to the Rapti river where the last funeral of this great martyr was performed under the proper Vedic Cremation System on the bank of the river. The place, where the ritual obligations of Bismil were done, was named by public as Rajghat. A new Transport Nagar has been developed in the side bye area of this place. A Rajghat police station has also been established there to commemorate the historical place.

Books of Bismil released in his centenary year

Bismil was born in 1897 and was hanged by the cruel British Empire in 1927, thus he lived a very short life of 30 years. Out of this 30 year, he dedicated 11 years of his valuable life in the selfless service of his fellow countrymen to make their life better. He wrote so many books but only 11 books could be published. All of these books were proscribed by the British Raj. Only few of them were kept hidden in the rare and old libraries.

Atal Bihari Vajpayee speaks on the occasion

A freelancer research scholar 'Krant' M.L. Verma tried to bring out these books and the success came to his hands when he could search five books and almost 200 poems written by Bismil. A Delhi-based publisher Praveen Prakashan published the research work in four volumes under a title of Sarfaroshi Ki Tamanna. The books of Bismil were released on the eve of Bismil Centenary Year, i.e., 19 December 1996 (since he was martyred on 19 December 1897) by former Prime Minister of India, Atal Bihari Vajpayee. Speaking on the occasion Vajpayee said that we have not done justice with the revolutionaries who had given everything of their life for our betterment. The excessive propagada of non-violence has also spoiled the contribution of revolutionaries in the Indian Independence Movement. If Bismil had not taken the immediate initiative after 1922's Chauri Chaura incident and the Indian Navy had not revolt after Second World War in 1946, the Britishers would have never left India. He described the task of the author as a monumental work.

RSS chief attends the event

Prof. Rajendra Singh alias Rajju Bhaiya the then Sarsanghchalak (en. paramount leader of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh), who has also written the foreword of this book, spoke on the occasion that Bismil was the man who patronised the Aryan race and led the national revolution in freedom movement of India. Reviewing the books of Bismil, Indian journalist Ved Pratap Vaidik said that Urdu poetry of Bismil was parallel to the Ghalib. His literary evaluation requires a serious attention from the critics.

Statue of Bismil

Shaheed Smarak Samiti of Shahjahanpur established a memorial at Khirni Bagh mohalla of Shahjahanpur city where Bismil was born in 1897 and named it "Amar Shaheed Ram Prasad Bismil Smarak". A statue made of white marble was inaugurated by the then Governor of Uttar Pradesh Motilal Vora on 19 December 1994 on the 68th martyr's day of Bismil.

Literary works

Bismil was known for his inspiring poems that acted as motivation for his fellow revolutionaries. Among them, Sarfaroshi Ki Tamanna is the most well-known. Previously it was unknown whether Bismil actually wrote it or any other, as some progressive writers attributed it to Bismil Azimabadi, but now this miserable episode is over; because a number of research books are available in the libraries to verify the encyclopedic contents. An image of original and rare photo of Ram Prasad Bismil can also be seen hereinabove as well as in Hindi Wikipedia.

Turkish city named after Bismil

Like Ram Prasad Bismil, Ghazi Mustafa Kemal Pasha alias Kemal Ataturk was also a revolutionary writer and freedom fighter who became the first President of Turkey. Bismil had written an article in the Hindi magazine Prabha about him under the title Vijayee Kemal Pasha (en. Victorious Kemal Pasha) in November 1922. Later too, Bismil appraised Kemal Pasha in his Autobiography written from the gallows of Gorakhpur jail before his death. In order to pay respect to Bismil, Kemal Ataturk established a district in Diyarbakir state of Turkey in 1936 and named it "Bismil" after the pen name of this fierce fighter of freedom and patriotic poet of India.

Ram Prasad Bismil's Works:

1. Sarfaroshi Ki Tamanna (Part 1): Critical study of Bismil's personality and his literary work.

2. Sarfaroshi Ki Tamanna (Part 2): About 200 proscribed poems of Bismil with reference and grammatical appreciation.

3. Sarfaroshi Ki Tamanna (Part 3): four books of Bismil viz. Nij Jeevan Ek Chhata (original autobiography), America Ki Swatantrata Ka Itihas (Proscribed), Yogik Sadhan (Translation from Bengla into Hindi) & Catherine - Swadhinta Ki Devi (Translation from English into Hindi).

4. Sarfaroshi Ki Tamanna (Part 4): One book Krantikari Jeevan and some Articles of Bismil published in various news papers & periodicals.

5. Krantikari Bismil Aur Unki Shayari: Some famous Urdu poems of Bismil along with its Hindi translation.

6. Man Ki Lahar: Collection of poems proscribed in British period.

7. Bolshevikon Ki Kartoot: A revolutionary noble on Bolshevism.

8. Kranti Geetanjali: Collection of outstanding poems of Bismil proscribed in British India.

Here are 10 interesting things you should know about the new Lok Sabha Speaker

1. Soft-spoken Sumitra Mahajan, an eight-time BJP MP, is a battle-hardened leader who has risen from the ranks to the top post of Lok Sabha Speaker. 

2. Interestingly, the official name of 71-year-old Mahajan, the eldest and senior-most among women Members of Parliament, in the 16th Lok Sabha MPs' list is also mentioned as "Sumitra Mahajan (Tai)". 

3. Mahajan is the second woman after Meira Kumar to be elected as Lok Sabha Speaker. 

4. Starting her political life at the age of 39, she became the deputy mayor and then an MP from Indore in Madhya Pradesh. She was a minister of state in the Atal Bihari Vajpayee cabinet from 1999 to 2004, holding different portfolios of human resources, communications, IT, petroleum and natural gas. 

5. A lawyer-turned-politician, Mahajan is known for her trademark simplicity, honesty and clean image besides her impeccable winning record at the hustings. 

6. An active parliamentarian, she has not only headed important committees, but has also been a keen debater and avid questioner inside the House, often seen putting ministers on the mat with her calm but firm interventions. 

7. The mild-mannered Mahajan has over the years emerged as a force to reckon with in Indore where she never lost since she first became an MP in 1989 and a generation of opposition leaders have been waiting to trounce her. 

8. She, however, had lost the Indore assembly election thrice before becoming an MP. 

9. Mahajan won her Lok Sabha seat for the eighth consecutive time in this election by an impressive margin of 4.67 lakh votes. 

10. Born on April 12, 1943 in Chiplun of Ratnagiri district in Maharashtra, Mahajan became a municipal corporator in 1982. 

10 days, 10 talking points: #Modi #Government has been in #news

Prime Minister Narendra Modi has set an ambitious 100-day plan within 72 hours of assuming office, sending out a clear message that he will continue to pursue his good governance agenda. But the new government has been in news, but not for all the good reasons. Here, we mention ten.

1. PMO Twitter handle: Even before Narendra Modi could assume office as Prime Minister, the outgoing officials archived the PMO Twitter handle, sparking a furore in political circles. However, the Twitter account was restored just two days before Modi took oath as the next prime minister, provoking the BJP to call it “disgraceful, unethical and illegal”. The Twitter handle, @PMOIndia, launched during the tenure of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, was changed to @PMOIndiaArchive. In a statement, the PMO had said, “All official communications from PMO in print and in digital form are being archived according to RTI Act. Copyrights and control remain with the PMO. The handover is being facilitated for the next administration.” The was criticised by the BJP, as it said that @pmoindia should have been passed on to Modi’s office as a national, digital asset.

2. Article 370: The newly sworn in Minister of State in the PMO, Jitendra Singh stoked the first major controversy when he said that the discussion to revoke Article 370, providing special status to Jammu and Kashmir, has begun. The controversy grew into a full blown war of words with various political parties reacting sharply to Singh’s statement. J&K Chief Minister Omar Abdullah lashed out at the Modi government as he tweeted: “Mark my words & save this tweet – long after Modi Govt is a distant memory either J&K won’t be part of India or Art 370 will still exist”. Facing flak, the MoS later clarified that he was ‘misquoted’.

3. Smriti Irani qualification row: On the same day, another controversy broke out in the political arena over the educational qualification of the HRD Minister Smriti Irani after it emerged that she had made contradictory declarations when she contested the LS polls in 2004 and 2014. The Congress leaders took pot shots at the newly sworn in HRD minister, questioning Irani’s ability to deliver as HRD minister since she is “not even a graduate”. The 38-year-old television actor-turned politician broke her silence and said that she should be judged by her work and not her qualifications. “I will request all of you that judge me by my work and I will not add anything to the statement I have made,” she said.

4. Shiv Sena sulks over portfolio: On the day ministers in the Modi government settled in, Anant Geete of the Shiv Sena struck a discordant note by refusing to take charge of the Heavy Industries and Public Enterprises Ministry. Geete settled for the portfolio only after Prime Minister Narendra Modi called Sena chief Uddhav Thackeray. The Shiv Sena has secured as many as 18 seatsin the Lok Sabha, making it the second largest party in the NDA.

5. Baliyan’s inclusion in Modi cabinet: BJP’s inclusion of Sanjeev Baliyan, who was sworn-in as a Minister of State with independent charge in Modi’s Cabinet certainly raised eyebrows. Congress questioned Baliyan’s inclusion alleging that he was an accused in the Muzaffarnagar riots. “Sanjeev Baliyan, an accused in the recent riots is a Minister in Modi’s Cabinet. Is there a message in this?” Congress leader Digvijaya Singh had tweeted. “Why media is surprised by the inclusion of Muzaffarnagar riot accused in the ministry? After all it is Modi Sarkar (government),” Congress general secretary Shakeel Ahmed tweeted. Balyan was part of a mahapanchayat held last year that allegedly inflamed tensions in Muzaffarnagar despite prohibitory orders. He was charged by the police with violation of prohibitory orders and promoting enmity between two communities. BJP has maintained that Dr. Baliyan was framed in a politically motivated case.

6. Modi in school books: Prime Minister expressed displeasure over plans to include chapters on him in school curriculum following which BJP-ruled Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh had to drop the plan to include his life story in the school syllabi. “I firmly believe that the life story of living individuals should not be included as a part of the school curriculum,” he tweeted. While PM opposed the move to include his life story in education curriculum, books devoted to him continue to be sold at the BJP offices. Several books on Modi have been on sale at the literature outlet at BJP headquarters on 11, Ashok Road, that shower lavish praise on the Prime Minister and the eventful journey of his life.

7. Munde’s degree row: Like Smriti Irani, Gopinath Munde’s education qualification triggered a controversy. According to an affidavit submitted by Munde for the Lok Sabha elections, he claimed that he did his Bachelors degree from New Law College, Pune in 1976. But the college was established in 1978. Following the row, BJP members clarified it was a typo and it should have been ILS Law College.

8. Yashwant Sinha in jail: While Prime Minister Modi was laying down the ground rules to ensure good governance and development by its government, senior BJP leader Yashwant Sinha left the party red-faced after he was remanded in judicial custody after he refused to seek bail in a case of alleged assault of a Jharkhand State Electricity Board official. Sinha and 54 others were remanded in 14-day judicial custody by a local court after they refused to take bail. A JSEB’s Hazaribagh branch General Manager had filed an FIR, accusing them of tying him up during a demonstration on electricity crisis by the BJP’s district unit in Jharkhand. Sinha had admitted before the media that he had “instructed” the party’s women activists to tie up the official using a rope.

9. Raid on BJP MP’s house: The news of busting of a prostitution racket allegedly being run from a flat owned by former Mumbai Police chief Satyapal Singh, now a BJP

Member of Parliament, sent shock waves in the political circles. While the two young women were rescued from the flat in Andheri, which was raided on Saturday last, the shocked Lok Sabha MP from Baghpat said he is willing to taking a legal action against the private company. The flat had been leased out to a well-known business house for 33 months. “Leasing out the flat is my only fault,” clarified Singh, who quit as Mumbai Police Commissioner early this year to enter politics

10. Modi picks BMW over Scorpio: Against the possibility of Prime Minister Narendra Modi choosing his most trusted Mahindra Scorpio over BMW’s 7 Series as his official car, the PM opted for a specially designed armoured 7 series German vehicle. A lot was said about Modi choosing Scorpio as his official car. It was reported that Mahindra & Mahindra chairman, Anand Mahindra had written to Modi requesting him to choose company’s Scorpio as his official vehicle. It has been long known that Scorpio was Modi’s favourite. Even during campaigns and his duties as Gujarat CM, Modi traveled in his armoured Scorpio. However, the PM dashed all hopes when he chose he BMW flagship for the job.

Well begun… Mr Modi

Who would have imagined the kind of Modi wave that has swept the country? That he has an unhampered mandate in the Lok Sabha of course augurs well for the country. But what augurs even better is the transformation of Modi into a near-statesman. His parliamentary speech could have ranked among the best that we may have heard in recent times from world leaders, Obama included, even if his electoral speeches were obviously pitched to the galleries. Each and every interview of his has been measured, judicious and wise, compelling one to believe that if Modi means what he is saying in the media, ‘achey din’ are certainly nigh!

True, Mr Modi stands exonerated by the SIT set up by the Supreme Court on the Godhra carnage. This should deflect much of political fire that he may have otherwise attracted. However, having spent my longest stint in life – nearly two decades – in Ahmedabad, with an abundance of friends there, I can say that the Ghost of Godhra is pretty much alive in many minds. Instances of some tenacious victimization of those, even academics, who dared point a finger at Modi aren’t entirely unknown. It is quite possible that such victimization was the doing of over-zealous underlings, and not necessarily of Modi himself. But be that as it may, Mr. Modi at least appears to have learnt some lessons and sobered up more than somewhat over these last few years. Whether his party has learnt some lessons, it is still too early to say, especially since the party is still in the euphoria of its honeymoon period, with the PM just sworn in and his ministerial team just getting into place. However, one fervently hopes his team will deliver, even if it appears more than a little thin on experience.

But Congress seems to be learning very little from its debacle. For its utter rout, Jairam Ramesh seems to believe his party did not manage ‘perceptions’ well! The party seems to believe their Ad agency, Dentsu, let them down, by not projecting ‘Rahul Gandhi as a young and dynamic leader out to empower the common man.’ It would have us believe that Modi and BJP’s electoral performance was primarily on account of their success in ‘preparing and successfully implementing a cohesive marketing and branding campaign’, as if their gross acts of commission and omission had no role to play in their rout.

In short, what these worthies believe is that it does not matter whether as a party you performed or not; it is irrelevant how corrupt you were or how indecisive; nor does it count that you brought down a perfectly functioning economy down from a 9% growth to a 5% one, with the inflation marching in the opposite direction. All that matters is how successful you are or are not in projecting a certain image of yourself before the public. In this understanding of politics, the public is an idiot who could have been had; except that Dentsu failed to deliver for the Rs. 600 crore it was paid to fool the masses. So what is the learning for the Congressmen from their debacle? No, it is not to control corruption, or to have better follow-up mechanisms for the performance of its Ministers, or to be more imaginative in delivering electoral promises, beyond populist gimmickry. Their learning is: Next time, get yourself a better ad agency; if necessary, pay them more. Performance does not matter. Only perception does, and an ad agency can and should be able to create any desired perception, never mind the reality of the product being advertised!

And what is AAP’s learning? Considering Arvind Kejriwal has been repeatedly bemoaning his mistake in having abdicated his responsibility in Delhi rather hastily, what has he learnt? Very little it seems. He is continuing to indulge in the very antics that lost him his public sympathy and is now losing him some of his high profile colleagues–whether Shazia Ilmi, Balakrishnan or Gopinath. But what is worse, he has ensured that for a long time, the very cause of anti-corruption would remain suspect in the eyes of the common man, for the aam admi will always wonder if anti-corruption platform is just another gambit for entering politics, so that once there, you play the same game as anybody else.

Well, history has given Modi and his party a rare mandate. Whether they capitalize on the opportunity to ensure they rule India for another ten or fifteen years at least is entirely their call. If they truly work for inclusivity, get necessary amendments to Lokpal Bill passed to make it truly effective, bring about judicial and police reforms and ensure a healthy and cleaner investment climate particularly in infrastructure, and give agriculture a strong fillip of productivity, BJP may well go down in history as the party that put India on a double digit growth path for the first time. There is no reason why it shouldn’t; and within two years at that. But let us remember, Rajiv Gandhi did have 415/543 seats in 1984 – the biggest-ever mandate of nearly 77% – much larger than BJP’s 282/543 this time – but Congress lost its power in 1989, thanks to the Bofors scam. If there is one bit of learning for the BJP, it is that it must avoid scams at any cost. Political and administrative probity will have to rank really high. Will it be too tall an order? Will Modi and his senior colleagues be able to control his inexperienced team and make it deliver? Will the hopes of the voters come true? Only time will tell.

History of Telangana explained in 10 points

1. The name Telangana is derived from the word Telugu Angana, which means a place where Telugu is spoken. The Nizams (1724-1948) used the word Telangana to differentiate it from the Marathi speaking regions of their kingdom

2. From 230 BC to 220 AD, the Satvahanas ruled this region between Krishna and Godaveri rivers.

3. The region experienced a Golden Age, in between 1083-1203, under the reign of the Kakatiyas who established Warangal as their capital

4. In 1309 AD, Allaudin Khilji's general Malik Kafur attacked Warangal, which led to the decline of the Kakatiyas. The region came under the Delhi Sultanate till 1687, when Golconda (near Hyderabad) fell to Aurangzeb

5. In 1724, Nizam-ul-mulk Asif Jah (Asif Jahin Nizam dynasty) established his independence and made Hyderabad the capital of the empire in 1769.

6. In 1799, the British sign an alliance with Nizam Asif Jah. The Nizam ceded coastal Andhra and Rayalseema regions to the British.

7. The region remained under the British and the Nizams till 1946, the year of Telangana rebellion, which was quelled by the Nizam's Razakars (mercenaries)

8. After India's independence in 1947, the last Nizam of Hyderabad, Osman Ali Khan, refused to join the Indian Union despite repeated requests from Jawaharlal Nehru and Sardar Patel. The Indian army annexed Hyderabad and the Nizam surrendered to Sardar Patel on 17th September, 1948. Hyderabad State accedes to the Indian Union.

9. In December 1953, the States Reorganisation Commission was appointed to recommend the reorganisation of state boundaries. The panel was not in favour of an immediate merger of Telangana with Andhra state, despite their common language. With the intervention of the then Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, Telangana and Andhra states were merged on November 1, 1956. Nehru termed the merger a "matrimonial alliance having provisions for divorce".

10. In 2013, the UPA government headed by Manmohan Singh clears the formation of Telangana. On June 2, 2104, K Chandrasekhar Rao takes oath as the first chief minister of Telangana, India's 29th state.

15 points effect of Modi’s Victory

 Modi’s Victory

1.        Congress now not even opposition party with less than 50 seats

2.        Opposition party need coalition to form opposition party

3.        Those who counted Modi as untouchable now either acknowledge his power and persona or their suffering from anti modi pain is at peak

4.        Almost entire media who use to be fabricating news and news item against Modi is now singing songs of Modi for the sake of TRP they need. WOW!

5.        Nitish Kumar biting the dust for his ego

6.        Jamat of day dreamer of becoming PM like Nitish Kumar, Mulayam, Mayavati, Jayalalitha, Mamta, Sharad Pawar are now facing cruel reality and they need to understand their size in Indian politics now

7.        Population of political party in India is greatly cut to size by Mr. Modi and now DMK, BSP wont be there and many other parties have only one or two seats

8.        AAP and Aravind Kejariwal realized that throwing tantrum like visiting gujarat for couple of days and singing anti gujarat songs wont help them. Taking sample from Sabarmati to prove its populated back fired them. Nautanki for 49 days in delhi and marketing it as good government against proven track racord of good governance of Mr Modi was there for all voters

9.        Rahul Gandhi is still toddler in politics rather helped modi to win atleast 150 more seats

10.     Low level politics by congress and using all machinery like CBI etc against Modi did not help them as people are really not fool and congress need to realize sooner if they want to survive any more in politics

11.     All the leaders who used to do daily aarti of rahul baba and sonia mai need to realise that “Ye public hai sab janti hai” and you can not win people without doing actual work for them

12.     Poor people now realised that congress used them badly and congress is only responsible for their current state of finance

13.     Caste card users like Mayawati, Mulayam and Lalu witnessed that Voters are really not fool that they can use as they want them now

14.     So called sick secularism lost badly as it was sickularism rather secularism. Even Muslim community realised that they are not there to be used for appeasement and not doing anything for them. You cant win votes by scaring them of Modi and rather need to do something for harmony of all caste

15.     All parties use to fight against each other and joining hands after election saying we would come together to stop secular party BJP. ( Are we fucking fool you morons??) Now they can join hands just to form opposition as even congress does not qualify as opposition party for the seats they got. People does not forget nor forgive, see the results of AAP in delhi after Arvind kejarival did item song by trying to meet modi without appointment with his favorite news channel crew to make tamasha. People gave him verdict to learn now.

Modi India-fied

Clear mandate: With 282 seats in the Lok Sabha, 
the BJP and Narendra Modi have a free hand

Critics and supporters alike acknowledge Narendra Modi's ability to focus. On May 13, the day after the end of a nearly year-long gruelling campaign - covering 300,000 km, 5,187 events and direct interaction with 234 million people - Modi was back in Gujarat, chairing a meeting to review the water situation in the state.

After its high-decibel campaign, the Bharatiya Janata Party now needs to deliver on its promise -acche din aane wale hain (better days are ahead) - to keep the faith of those who identified with Modi's politics of hope. This includes Sunita Singh, a resident of Veerganj village in Amethi, Congress Vice President Rahul Gandhi's constituency in Uttar Pradesh. Singh, who had never even heard of Smriti Irani, her local BJP candidate, is hoping Modi will bring jobs to Amethi. "Humne Modi ji ko suna hai TV par (I have heard Modi ji on TV)," she said, adding that even her 12-year-old son had asked her to vote for the BJP on the party's development agenda. Gandhi eventually defeated Irani, but with what would be considered a wafer thin margin in the Gandhi bastion - of 107,000 votes. In 2009, Gandhi had won with a margin of 370,000 votes.

Modi's critics say he may have over-committed. "The new government comes in with extreme expectations," says Jagannadham Thunuguntla, Head of Research and Chief Strategist at SMC Global Securities, an investment advisory firm.

In the corridors of power in Delhi, there is a sense of panic, understated as of now, though, as Modi, an outsider, is expected to unsettle the status quo by replacing largesse with efficiency and loyalty with talent. A leaner cabinet, accountable bureaucrats and a reformed Prime Minister's Office (PMO) will be the cornerstone of his political management in Delhi, say those who have worked with him. The UPA government had 82 secretaries and around 80 ministers; Modi's cabinet is expected to be two-thirds the size. His team is likely to be a mix of bureaucrats, technocrats and politicians. In March 2013, an alternative budget prepared for India Today magazine by economists Bibek Debroy and Laveesh Bhandari suggested scrapping 31 ministries and restructuring others into a dozen major ministries, saving Rs 1.5 lakh crore.

IMMEDIATE AGENDA -Empower the Prime Minister's Offi ce with more direct involvement in decision-making -Restructure key ministries such as fi nance, external affairs, energy, infrastructure -Strengthen relations with the US -Empower bureaucrats and technocrats to enable faster decision-making -Flexible policy on FDI -Tax reforms to include roadmap for GST and DTC -Increase involvement of chief ministers in decisionmaking, include them in Cabinet Committee on Security and in natural resource allocation decisions -Greater thrust on agriculture, manufacturing and infrastructure -Greater trade engagement with Japan, South Korea, China and Southeast Asia

Business leaders are hopeful that quick decision-making will replace the policy inaction that weighed down the second avatar of the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance coalition government (UPA-II). Chanda Kochhar, Managing Director and CEO of ICICI Bank, says: "What Narendra Modi under the new government will do immediately is to take existing pending projects and make sure that they become productive. Modi can do it... he ran a state and is aware about what it takes to make projects happen."

Corporate India's sentiments were echoed on the stock markets, and the BSE Sensex touched a lifetime high of 25,375 on May 16, the day of the election results. Others believe that with a majority verdict, Modi will initiate reforms. Adi Godrej, Chairman of the Godrej Group, says: "He will work on restoring investor confidence and address manufacturing issues."

Under Modi, India's federal structure may be at the cusp of change. The traditional model of instructions to states needs to evolve into a partnership, and Modi has on several occasions suggested greater devolution of power. "States are important. And real-time functioning should have the PM and the CMs of the states working in tandem. The federal structure is important in letter and spirit. It is our strength," he said at one of the 477 rallies he addressed.

A senior BJP leader says: "Now that the BJP has a majority in the Lok Sabha, it will put pressure on chief ministers of other parties to perform. Now there is a good chance that this idea of a PM-CM committee will work."

Modi is also likely to build a more powerful PMO, addressing the concerns of Manmohan Singh's critics. Sanjaya Baru, former media advisor to Singh, notes in his book, The Accidental Prime Minister, that "even with its combined strength of T.K.A. Nair and Pulok Chatterjee, [the PMO] was not a patch on the magisterial Brajesh Mishra who ran Vajpayee's PMO with great aplomb".

Full Coverage: Lok Sabha Elections 2014

Congress President Sonia Gandhi's National Advisory Council - which ran parallel to the cabinet - is likely to be dismantled. Frequent disagreements on important issues led to delays and dilution of the PMO's power. A few days before election results were announced, BJP leaders huddled to ensure that senior party colleagues, such as L.K. Advani, Murli Manohar Joshi and Sushma Swaraj, would be satisfied with the formation of a new government, and to persuade Rajnath Singh to join the cabinet. (This was before Business Today went to press Saturday night.) A senior leader of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, who did not want to be named, says: "All this is to avoid evolution of two power centres in the government."

The starting point should be to balance the budget, control inflation and create infrastructure by clearing pending projects: Yashwant Sinha, BJP leader and former finance minister

An empowered bureaucracy makes for swift decisions and action, and Modi has arecord of empowering bureaucrats. For example, the Gujarat Chief Minister's Office is run by a core group of officials, including Chief Principal Secretary Kuniyil Kailashanathan, whose post was specifically created for him. Modi is expected to codify the roles of decision-makers and set clear expectations of them. Suresh Prabhu, who was the power minister in the former BJP led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government, says: "Codification means that any interference stops."

Key ministries, such as finance, commerce, home, and the railways, are likely to get a new structure. Modi has also talked of restructuring the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA), which will work closely with the commerce ministry. The Directorate General of Foreign Trade is expected to be withdrawn from the commerce ministry and merged with the MEA. Restoring institutional credibility is likely to be at the top of the new government's agenda. Besides the PMO, this would include the Interstate Council and the Cabinet Committee on Security. Measures are likely to include the setting up of a transparent mechanism to grant clearances, and possibly a project monitoring system directly overseen by the Prime Minister. Something similar was introduced last year, headed by Chatterjee, the Principal Secretary to the PM.

Illustrations By Ajay Thakuri

"For many actions that require inter-departmental clearance, coordination has to happen through the PMO, which has not been happening. A decisive, well-functioning PMO has to come to action in 30 days," says a close aide of Modi.

The new government will have about 60 days to put together its first budget, in which major announcements are expected relating to the streamlining of processes for small and medium enterprises, river interlinking, rural roads, and supply-side constraints. A July budget could set out a timeline for the implementation of the Goods and Services Tax (GST) and Direct Tax Code (DTC). Stressed assets of banks, the pricing of agricultural produce, and direct cash transfers could also find a place in the budget.

Stressed loans total $100 billion, or 10 per cent of all loans. An economist who does not want to be named suggests reduction of the government's stake in banks, so that they can raise equity. Some weaker banks, he says, could be merged with strong ones. (The recently released report of the RBI-appointed P.J. Nayak committee has also made similar recomm-endations.) Modi's advisors have also hinted at the reversal of water, fertiliser and power subsidies at a later stage. Scrapping a subsidy is a politically contentious decision. The July budget will have to account for additional subsidy payments of $16 billion.

"The starting point should be to balance the budget as much as one can - the number of supply-side measures to control inflation and create space for the Reserve Bank of India to start reducing interest rates, and create infrastructure by clearing all the pending projects and reviving the investmentcycle," says former finance minister and BJP leader Yashwant Sinha.

"The new finance minister will have to correct [UPA-II finance minister Palaniappan] Chidambaram's statistical jugglery," says economist Debroy. "The current account deficit [CAD] has been reduced through artificial means. He has not accounted for all the expenditure in the fiscal deficit. According to my calculation, the fiscal deficit is 5.2 per cent."

The Congress-led government, in an attempt to prune the fiscal deficit to 4.6 per cent for 2013/14, cut spending by $13 billion. Its interim budget sought to contain the fiscal deficit to 4.1 per cent for 2014/15, the lowest in seven years, but many consider this an unrealistic target.

The CAD was brought under control by nearly halving gold imports, which has revived gold smuggling. The BJP has promised to review gold import duties within three months of coming to power. Another way to keep the CAD in check is to increase manufacturing exports. Modi, who has been instrumental in diversifying Gujarat's manufacturing base away from petrochemicals, is expected to appoint a commission to boost manufacturing.

Modi can do it. He ran a state and is aware of what it takes to make projects happen: Chanda Kochhar, MD and CEO, ICICI BankPhoto: Yasbant Negi

On the expenditure side, to fuel growth, the government would have to increase capital expenditure, which has shrunk to 1.7 per cent of GDP, from four per cent in 2003. "It's a tough task, but they need to do it to start rebuilding infrastructure," says the economist quoted earlier.

Economists question whether fiscal space is available for substantive reforms - as the tax-to-GDP ratio has slipped to 10.2 per cent from a peak of 12.5 per cent in 2007/08 and tax revenues are unlikely to recover immediately - but the new government is likely to take the opportunity to lay out its vision. A plan to tackle supplyside constraints, a key reason for spiralling inflation, is likely to be put into action almost immediately. Rajiv Kumar, Senior Fellow at the Centre for Policy Research, says: "It could be a combination of administrative and economic measures, from taking action on hoarders to setting up a task force on the APMC (Agriculture Produce Marketb Committee) Act. Supply-side constraints can be addressed without going to Parliament."

One of Modi's biggest achievements has been the revival of agriculture in Gujarat, and he is likely to replicate that nationwide. An International Food Policy Research Institute paper says that between 2000/01 and 2007/08, agricultural value added grew at 9.6 per cent a year in Gujarat - double the rate for India, and among the fastest rates recorded anywhere. Modi has proposed a market stabilisation fund for farmers to get the optimum price for their produce.

First-quarter subsidy payments are likely to be much higher than the year-ago quarter, but a Modi government is unlikely to change it. "We will not sell dreams," says BJP national treasurer Piyush Goyal. "The hard reality is government money is required to be spent in more targeted areas. Subsidies must benefit the poor, not fuel the SUVs of the rich."

Former minister Prabhu says: "Certain forms of subsidy are inevitable - 30-40 per cent of people are poor. Subsidies cannot be wished away in the foreseeable future." The BJP seems aligned with Congress thinking on welfare schemes. BJP leaders say their government will implement the right to food better, and BJP-ruled states have embraced the UPA's welfare schemes. A senior BJP leader who is close to Modi says UPA schemes such as the employment guarantee programme and Right to Education will continue.

Modi is likely to use the unique identity platform for better targeting. India's most populous state, Uttar Pradesh, which sent a record 73 lawmakers of the NDA to Parliament, may find some favour with the new Prime Minister. He is likely to take steps to boost the sugarcane industry, and may give UP's sugar mills incentives to clear their arrears of over Rs 7,500 crore.

The budget is likely to set a deadline for the implementation of two key tax reforms - the GST and DTC - which have been delayed due to lack of consensus among states. "In the next two years, expect GST and DTC to be in place," says Kutumba Rao, finance expert with the Telegu Desam Party, a BJP ally. "With GST, the GDP will go up by at least 1.5 to two percentage points without any effort by the government, and the DTC will improve compliance."

Sushil Modi, former finance minister of Bihar and ex-chairman of the empowered committee of state finance ministers on GST, says the BJP is committed to implementing the GST. "In my view, no state has opposed the GST in principle. States have specific concerns, and we will take care of those," he says.

Restarting mining would be another priority for the new government. Corruption and lack of transparency in coal block allocation, and lack of clearances have led to underutilisation of coal reserves, and the use of forex reserves to meet energy needs. Modi's aides who are working on a white paper on mining say he is keen on a model similar to Ultra Mega Power Projects, by which mining rights would be awarded as a package, with all clearances in place. This, they say, would reduce the time spent on getting permissions.

Setting up a coal regulator would be another priority for the new government. Modi has vehemently attacked the UPA government's inability to extract coal and give it to power generation companies. "The immediate priority is to institute a policy of transparent allocation of natural resources including that of coal," says Narendra Taneja, national convener of BJP's energy cell. "We must realise that if we don't commit to these reforms, India would have to import fuel worth $1.25 trillion by 2035 (oil, gas, coal and uranium)." A senior BJP leader says India must develop energy intelligence-gathering resources and reduce reaction time to convert acquisition leads into deals, as China and the US do. India spends $167 billion a year to import fuel.

The Supreme Court lifted the ban on mining in Goa in April, but licensing procedures could take 18 months before mining can resume. Expediting these would be a way for the new government to signal that it means business.

To facilitate clearances, Modi has spoken about using technology to make decision-making transparent - a system to track files across ministries. In Gujarat, for example, everything from the availability of plots of land to status of projects can be tracked online.

The new government is likely to continue oil decontrol, and restructure oil subsidies, which total Rs 1 lakh crore. The BJP's clear majority in the Lok Sabha will help its government take decisions that were stymied in the coalition government.

BJP sources say Modi intends to build a cross-country power grid. India is already connected with Nepal, Bhutan and Bangladesh under the SAARC (South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation) grid, and talks are on for partial connectivity with Sri Lanka and Pakistan. "The plan is to connect Myanmar and subsequently get into the ASEAN grid, and on the other side have connectivity with Central Asia," says BJP energy advisor Taneja. The new government is also expected to tweak clauses in the nuclear liability law to increase nuclear power generation in the country.