From the semi-retired academic
discussions of Saturday Club at Delhi's India International Centre to the
hurly-burly of 7 RCR, Manmohan Singh's rise in 2004 was meteoric. The architect
of India's economic liberalisation would now be the helmsman of the UPA
Government, keeping the seat alive for the Young Inheritor. It should have
worked. Sonia Gandhi was steering the party, Manmohan Singh would handle the
government. It didn't.
From senior bureaucrats in the PMO
such as M.K. Narayanan to junior ministers Jairam Ramesh to even his PMO deputy
Prithviraj Chavan, everyone felt they owed loyalty to Sonia Gandhi. Senior
Cabinet colleagues routinely ignored him, some even denying him the basic
courtesy of briefing him on foreign visits or addressing him as Mr Prime
Minister. His silences, especially on corruption of colleagues, undid him.
Worse, his shiniest moment, of striking his beloved nuclear deal with George W.
Bush, carried with it the stigma of a deal. His media adviser Sanjaya Baru, 59,
who has known Manmohan for over two decades, saw the unravelling from close
quarters until he quit in 2008. Baru was a key member of Manmohan's diminished
PMO, and probably his closest aide after the sudden death of JN Dixit, often
acting as courier of messages, seeker of advice and even sounding board.
As the Prime Minister gets ready to
step down after ten years of running the world's largest and most complex
democracy, Baru's book, The Accidental Prime Minister: The Making and Unmaking
of Manmohan Singh, reads like a primer of what not to do in power. Stubbornly
resisting advice to be projected in the media, refusing to contest the Lok
Sabha polls in 2009, surrendering control of his government by allowing key
appointments to be made over his head and failing to quit when Rahul Gandhi
humiliated him in public, Manmohan leaves behind a legacy that he doesn't
deserve, says Baru. Comparing the Prime Minister to Bheeshma who took the
terrible vow of defending the indefensible, Baru points out that unquestioning
loyalty to the dynasty may have been the epic patriarch's obligation in a
monarchy, but in Manmohan it was a fatal error of judgement. From the Great
Liberaliser, he became the Great Liquidator-of his own equity and that of the
all-powerful prime minister's office.
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